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Bilaspur, Chamba, Dharamasala, Hamirpur, Keylong, Kulu, Mandi, Nahan, Reckong Peo, Shimla, Solan, Una, Jammu & Kashmir - Anantnag, Badgam, Bandipore, Baramula, Doda, Jammu, Kargil, Kathua, Kupwara, Leh, Poonch, Pulwama, Rajauri, Srinagar, Udhampur, Jharkhand - Bokaro, Chaibasa, Chatra, Daltonganj, Deoghar, Dhanbad, Dumka, Garhwa, Giridih, Godda, Gumla, Hazaribagh, Jamshedpur, Koderma, Lohardaga, Pakur, Ramgarh, Ranchi, Sahibganj, Karnataka - Bagalkot, Bangalore, Belgaum, Bellary, Bidar, Bijapur, Chamarajanagar, Chikmagalur, Chitradurga, Davanagere, Dharwad, Gadag, Gulbarga, Hassan, Haveri, Kolar, Madikeri, Mangalore, Mysore, Raichur, Ramanagara, Shimoga, Tumkur, Udupi, Yadgir, Kerala - Alappuzha, Kakkanad, Kalpetta, Tripura, Agartala, Ambassa, Kailasahar, Udaipu, Kannur, Kasaragod, Kochin, Cochin, Kollam, Kottayam, Kozhikode, Malappuram, Painavu, Palakkad, Pathanamthitta, Thiruvananthapuram, Thrissur, Lakshadweep, Madhya Pradesh - Balaghat, Barwani, Betul, Bhind, Bhopal, Chhatarpur, Chhindwara, Damoh, Datia, Dewas, Dhar, Dindori, Guna, Gwalior, Harda, Hoshangabad, Indore, Jabalpur, Jhabua, Katni, Khandwa, Khargone, Mandla, Mandsaur, Morena, Narsinghpur, Neemuch, Panna, Raisen, Rajgarh, Ratlam, Rewa, Sagar, Satna, Sehore, Seoni, Shahdol, Shajapur, Sheopur, Shivpuri, Sidhi, Tikamgarh, Ujjain, Umaria, Vidisha, Maharashtra - Ahmednagar, Akola, Alibag, Amravati, Aurangabad, Beed, Bhandara, Buldhana, Chandrapur, Dhule, Gadchiroli, Gondiya, Hingoli, Jalgaon, Jalna, Kolhapur, Latur, Mumbai, Nagpur, Nanded, Nandurbar, Nashik, Oras, Osmanabad, Parbhani, Pune, Ratnagiri, Sangli, Satara, Solapur, Thane, Wardha, Washim, Yavatmal, Manipur, Bishnupur, Chandel, Churachandpur, Lamphelpat, Porompat, Senapati, Tamenglong, Thoubal, Ukhrul, Meghalaya, East Garo Hills, East Khasi Hills, Jaintia Hills, Ri-Bhoi, South Garo Hills, West Garo Hills, West Khasi Hills, Mizoram - Aizawl, Champhai, Kolasib, Lawngtlai, Lunglei, Saiha, Telangana - Adilabad, Hyderabad, Jagtial, Karimnagar, Khammam, Kothagudem, Mahbubnagar, Mancherial, Miryalaguda, Nalgonda, Nizamabad, Ramagundam, Siddipet, Suryapet, Warangal, Uttarakhand - Almora, Bageshwar, Champawat, Dehradun, Gopeshwar, Haridwar, Nainital, New Tehri, Pauri, Pithoragarh, Rudraprayag, Rudrapur, Uttarkashi, Nagaland - Dimapur, Kohima, Mokokchung, Mon, Phek, Tuensang, Wokha, Zunheboto, Orissa - Angul, Balangir, Baleswar, Bargarh, Baripada, Bhadrak, Bhawanipatna, Bhubaneswar, Boudh, Chhatrapur, Cuttack, Debagarh, Dhenkanal, Jagatsinghpur, Jharsuguda, Kendrapara, Kendujhar, Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangapur, Nayagarh, Nuapada, Panikoili, Paralakhemundi, Phulbani, Puri, Rayagada, Sambalpur, Subarnapur, Sundargarh, Puducherry - Karaikal, Pandakkal, Puducherry, Yanaon, Punjab, Amritsar, Chandigarh, Bathinda, Faridkot, Fatehgarh Sahib, Firozpur, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, Kapurthala, Ludhiana, Mansa, Moga, Mukatsar, Nawan Shehar, Patiala, Rupnagar, Sangrur, Rajasthan - Ajmer, Alwar, Banswara, Baran, Barmer, Bharatpur, Bhilwara, Bikaner, Bundi, Chittorgarh, Churu, Dausa, Dholpur, Dungarpur, Ganganagar, Hanumangarh, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jalore, Jhalawar, Jhunjhunun, Jodhpur, Karauli, Kota, Nagaur, Pali, Pratapgarh, Rajsamand, Sawai Madhopur, Sikar, Sirohi, Tonk, Udaipur, Sikkim -Gangtok, Geyzing, Mangan, Namchi, Tamil Nadu - Ariyalur, Chennai, Coimbatore, Cuddalore, Dharmapuri, Dindigul, Erode, Hosur, Kanchipuram, Karur, Madurai, Nagapattinam, Nagercoil, Namakkal, Perambalur, Pudukkottai, Ramanathapuram, Salem, Sivaganga, Tanjore, Theni, Thiruvallur, Thiruvarur, Thoothukudi, Tiruchirappalli, Tirunelveli, Tiruvannamalai, Udagamandalam, Vellore, Villupuram, West Bengal - Alipore, Baharampur, Balurghat, Bankura, Barasat, Bardhaman, Cooch Behar, Darjeeling, English Bazar, Howrah, Hugli-Chuchura, Jalpaiguri, Kolkata, Krishnanagar, Midnapore, Purulia, Raiganj, Suri, Delhi NCR – Delhi, Noida, Gurgaon, Faridabad, Ghaziabad, Gurugram

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We are one of the leading Exporter, Importer, Manufacturers, Service Providers, Distributors, Suppliers, Trading Company, Retailers, Wholesalers, Contractors, Producers, Production Centers, Manufacturing Companies, Vendors, Fabricators, New Delhi, India of Promotional Gazebos, Promotional Tents, Advertising Canopy Tents, Marketing Stalls, Pagodas, Marquees, Noody Shelters, Pop Up Canopies, Display Canopy, Demo Tents, Flex Canopies, Outdoor Gazebo Tents, Events Shades, Exhibition Hangar Structure, Folding Portable Tent, Scissor Kwick, Conical Tent, Instant Canopies, 

 

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Andhra Pradesh - Anantapur, Chittoor, Cuddapah, Eluru, Guntur, Kakinada, Kurnool, Nellore, Ongole, Srikakulam, Vishakhapatnam, Vizianagaram, Arunachal Pradesh - Anini, Bomdila, Changlang, Daporijo, Hawai, Khonsa, Seppa, Tezu, Yupia, Ziro, Assam - Barpeta, Bongaigaon, Dhemaji, Dhubri, Dibrugarh, Diphu, Goalpara, Golaghat, Haflong, Hailakandi, Jorhat, Karimganj, Kokrajhar, Lakhimpur, Mangaldai, Marigaon, Nagaon, Nalbari, Sibsagar, Silchar, Tezpur, Tinsukia, Bihar - Araria, Arrah, Aurangabad, Banka, Begusarai, Bhabua, Bhagalpur, Buxar, Darbhanga, Gaya, Gopalganj, Jamui, Jehanabad, Katihar, Khagaria, Kishanganj, Lakhisarai, Madhepura, Madhubani, Motihari, Munger, Muzaffarpur, Patna, Chhattisgarh - Ambikapur, Bilaspur, Dantewada, Dhamtari, Durg, Jagdalpur, Jashpur, Kanker, Kawardha, Korba, Koriya, Mahasamund, Naila Janjgir, Raigarh, Raipur, Rajnandgaon, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu, New Delhi States - Darya Ganj, Delhi, Kanjhawala, Kripa Narain Marg, Nand Nagri, Rampua, Saket, Chawri Bazar, Paharganj, Azad Market, Karol Bagh, Sadar Bazar, Shah Jahan Road, Goa - Margao, Panaji, Gujarat - Ahmedabad, Ahwa, Amreli, Anand, Bharuch, Bhavnagar, Bhuj, Dahod, Gandhinagar, Godhra, Himmatnagar, Jamnagar, Junagadh, Kheda, Mehsana, Navsari, Palanpur, Patan, Porbandar, Rajkot, Rajpipla, Surat, Surendranagar, Vadodara, Valsad, Uttar Pradesh - Agra, Akbarpur, Aligarh, Allahabad, Amroha, Auraiya, Azamgarh, Badaun, Bagpat, Bahraich, Ballia, Balrampur, Banda, Barabanki, Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor, Bulandshahr, Chandauli, Chitrakoot, Deoria, Etah, Etawah, Faizabad, Fatehgarh, Fatehpur, Firozabad, Ghaziabad, Ghazipur, Gonda, Gorakhpur, Gyanpur, Hamirpur, Hardoi, Hathras, Jaunpur, Jhansi, Kannauj, Kanpur, Khalilabad, Kheri, Lalitpur, Lucknow, Maharajganj, Mahoba, Mainpuri, Manjhanpur, Mathura, Mau, Meerut, Mirzapur, Moradabad, Muzaffarnagar, Navgarh, Greater Noida, Noida, Orai, Padarauna, Pilibhit, Pratapgarh, Rae Bareli, Rampur, Robertsganj, Saharanpur, Shahjahanpur, Shravasti, Sitapur, Sultanpur, Unnao, Varanasi, Haryana - Ambala, Bhiwani, Faridabad, Fatehabad, Gurgaon, Hissar, Jhajjar, Jind, Kaithal, Karnal, Kurukshetra, Narnaul, Nuh, Palwal, Panchkula, Panipat, Rewari, Rohtak, Sirsa, Sonepat, Yamuna Nagar, Himachal Pradesh - Bilaspur, Chamba, Dharamasala, Hamirpur, Keylong, Kulu, Mandi, Nahan, Reckong Peo, Shimla, Solan, Una, Jammu & Kashmir - Anantnag, Badgam, Bandipore, Baramula, Doda, Jammu, Kargil, Kathua, Kupwara, Leh, Poonch, Pulwama, Rajauri, Srinagar, Udhampur, Jharkhand - Bokaro, Chaibasa, Chatra, Daltonganj, Deoghar, Dhanbad, Dumka, Garhwa, Giridih, Godda, Gumla, Hazaribagh, Jamshedpur, Koderma, Lohardaga, Pakur, Ramgarh, Ranchi, Sahibganj, Karnataka - Bagalkot, Bangalore, Belgaum, Bellary, Bidar, Bijapur, Chamarajanagar, Chikmagalur, Chitradurga, Davanagere, Dharwad, Gadag, Gulbarga, Hassan, Haveri, Kolar, Madikeri, Mangalore, Mysore, Raichur, Ramanagara, Shimoga, Tumkur, Udupi, Yadgir, Kerala - Alappuzha, Kakkanad, Kalpetta, Tripura, Agartala, Ambassa, Kailasahar, Udaipu, Kannur, Kasaragod, Kochin, Cochin, Kollam, Kottayam, Kozhikode, Malappuram, Painavu, Palakkad, Pathanamthitta, Thiruvananthapuram, Thrissur, Lakshadweep, Madhya Pradesh - Balaghat, Barwani, Betul, Bhind, Bhopal, Chhatarpur, Chhindwara, Damoh, Datia, Dewas, Dhar, Dindori, Guna, Gwalior, Harda, Hoshangabad, Indore, Jabalpur, Jhabua, Katni, Khandwa, Khargone, Mandla, Mandsaur, Morena, Narsinghpur, Neemuch, Panna, Raisen, Rajgarh, Ratlam, Rewa, Sagar, Satna, Sehore, Seoni, Shahdol, Shajapur, Sheopur, Shivpuri, Sidhi, Tikamgarh, Ujjain, Umaria, Vidisha, Maharashtra - 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Angul, Balangir, Baleswar, Bargarh, Baripada, Bhadrak, Bhawanipatna, Bhubaneswar, Boudh, Chhatrapur, Cuttack, Debagarh, Dhenkanal, Jagatsinghpur, Jharsuguda, Kendrapara, Kendujhar, Koraput, Malkangiri, Nabarangapur, Nayagarh, Nuapada, Panikoili, Paralakhemundi, Phulbani, Puri, Rayagada, Sambalpur, Subarnapur, Sundargarh, Puducherry - Karaikal, Pandakkal, Puducherry, Yanaon, Punjab, Amritsar, Chandigarh, Bathinda, Faridkot, Fatehgarh Sahib, Firozpur, Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, Kapurthala, Ludhiana, Mansa, Moga, Mukatsar, Nawan Shehar, Patiala, Rupnagar, Sangrur, Rajasthan - Ajmer, Alwar, Banswara, Baran, Barmer, Bharatpur, Bhilwara, Bikaner, Bundi, Chittorgarh, Churu, Dausa, Dholpur, Dungarpur, Ganganagar, Hanumangarh, Jaipur, Jaisalmer, Jalore, Jhalawar, Jhunjhunun, Jodhpur, Karauli, Kota, Nagaur, Pali, Pratapgarh, Rajsamand, Sawai Madhopur, Sikar, Sirohi, Tonk, Udaipur, Sikkim -Gangtok, Geyzing, Mangan, Namchi, Tamil Nadu - Ariyalur, Chennai, Coimbatore, Cuddalore, Dharmapuri, Dindigul, Erode, Hosur, Kanchipuram, Karur, Madurai, Nagapattinam, Nagercoil, Namakkal, Perambalur, Pudukkottai, Ramanathapuram, Salem, Sivaganga, Tanjore, Theni, Thiruvallur, Thiruvarur, Thoothukudi, Tiruchirappalli, Tirunelveli, Tiruvannamalai, Udagamandalam, Vellore, Villupuram, West Bengal - Alipore, Baharampur, Balurghat, Bankura, Barasat, Bardhaman, Cooch Behar, Darjeeling, English Bazar, Howrah, Hugli-Chuchura, Jalpaiguri, Kolkata, Krishnanagar, Midnapore, Purulia, Raiganj, Suri, Delhi NCR – Delhi, Noida, Gurgaon, Faridabad, Ghaziabad, Gurugram

  

We are India based leading Manufacturers, Fabricators, Contractors, Service Providers, Suppliers, Retailers, Wholesalers, Distributors, Trading Company, Dealers, Traders, Exporters Delhi, India of Canopy, Tents, Temporary Canopies, Temporary Outdoor Shelter, Portable Shelters, Party Tent, Instant Quick Gazebo Tents, Outdoor Garden Tents, Scissor Gazebo Tents, Outdoor Camping Gazebo Tents, Decorative Garden Gazebo Tent, Canopies, Pagoda, Gazebo, Promotional Canopy, Advertising Tent, Road Show Tents Canopies, Scissor Kwick Pop Up Tent, Marketing Stalls, Display Demo Tent, Pagoda Tents, Portable Gazebo, Garden Gazebo, Gazebo Tent, Promotional Gazebo, Advertising Canopy Tents, Promotional Canopies, Outdoor Exhibition Tents, Demo Tents, Marketing Canopy, Events Gazebo, Canopy Tents, Pop Up Canopy Tent, Outdoor Tents, New Delhi, India

 

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Services All Over India Andhra Pradesh - Anantapur, Chattier, Cuddapah, Euro, Guntur, Kakinada, Kurnool, Nellore, Angola, Shrike Kula, Vishakhapatnam, Vizianagaram, Arunachal Pradesh - Annie, Bomdila, Changlang, Daporijo, Hawai, Khonsa, Seppa, Tezu, Yupia, Ziro, Assam - Barletta, Bongaigaon, Dhemaji, Dhubri, Dibrugarh, Diphu, Goalpara, Golaghat, Haflong, Hailakandi, Jorhat, Karimganj, Kokrajhar, Lakhimpur, Mangaldai, Marigaon, Nagaon, Nalbari, Sibsagar, Silchar, Tezpur, Tinsukia, Bihar - Araria, Arrah, Aurangabad, Banka, Begusarai, Bhabua, Bhagalpur, Buxar, Darbhanga, Gaya, Gopalganj, Jamui, Jehanabad, Katihar, Khagaria, Kishanganj, Lakhisarai, Madhepura, Madhubani, Motihari, Munger, Muzaffarpur, Patna, Chhattisgarh - Ambikapur, Bilaspur, Dantewada, Dhamtari, Durg, Jagdalpur, Jashpur, Kanker, Kawardha, Korba, Koriya, Mahasamund, Naila Janjgir, Raigarh, Raipur, Rajnandgaon, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu, New Delhi States - Darya Ganj, Delhi, Kanjhawala, Kripa Narain Marg, Nand Nagri, Rampua, Saket, Chawri Bazar, Paharganj, Azad Market, Karol Bagh, Sadar Bazar, Shah Jahan Road, Goa - 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Kim Kardashian rides a camel with her mom Kris Jenner as the girls looked very fashionable at the Atlantis resort in Dubai in the sand. Kim had a blast riding alongside her mom as they were looked at by the hotel guests enjoying seeing the reality stars at work. Kim even wore a traditional outfit worn in Dubai that was a gift from some her her young fans! ..Pictured: Kim Kardashian, Kris Jenner.Ref: SPL325429 141011 .Picture by: Brian Prahl / Splash News..Splash News and Pictures.Los Angeles:310-821-2666.New York:212-619-2666.London:870-934-2666.photodesk@splashnews.com.

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Baaraat of Z A Shah at Aligarh

 

Wedding:

December 1942

 

SEATED (Left to Right):

Syed Siddiq Hasan, Inayat Khan, Bashir A. Shah, Dr. Ata Muhammad Shah, Zahoor Ahmad Shah (Groom),

Syed Ghulam Bhik Nairang, Dr. Syed Zafar-ul-Hasan, Fazal Ahmad, (Unrecognized)

 

STANDING (Left to Right):

Syed Hamid Hussain, Syed Shareef Hussain, (Unrecognized), (Unrecognized), Dr. Umarud Din (Alig.),

Dr. Afzaal Hussain Qadri, Syed Ahmad, (Unrecognized), Dr. M. Mehmood Ahmad (Alig.), Syed Muzaffar Hasan,

Dr. Burhan A. Farooqui, Syed Ghazanfar Hasan, Syed Zahoor-ul-Hasan,

 

FRONT, Seated on Floor (Left to Right):

Syed Zahir Hussain, Mehmud A. Shah, Syed Mazahir Hussain, Syed Tahir Hussain

 

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RAJA PRATAP SINGH

Raja Pratap Singh (Hindi: राव प्रताप सिंह) was the founder Rao of Barauli, in the Aligarh district, who was Prithviraj Chauhan's nephew and assisted in his fight against the Muslim invaders led by Muhammad of Ghor in 1191. They also fought on the side of Rana Pratap of Mewar and Maharana Hammir as their generals.

 

BIOGRAPHY

He joined the Chauhan army in Mahoba campion on his return settled in Pahasu in the centre of his newly acquired estate, where he rapidly acquired great power.

 

Raja Pratap Singh married the daughter of Raja Door and populated the town of Barauli in Samvat 1122 (1065 AD) when there were 1656 villages attached to it.

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The Khajuraho Group of Monuments is a group of Hindu and Jain temples in Madhya Pradesh, India, about 175 kilometres southeast of Jhansi. They are one of the UNESCO World Heritage Sites in India. The temples are famous for their nagara-style architectural symbolism and their erotic sculptures.

 

Most Khajuraho temples were built between 950 and 1050 by the Chandela dynasty. Historical records note that the Khajuraho temple site had 85 temples by 12th century, spread over 20 square kilometers. Of these, only about 20 temples have survived, spread over 6 square kilometers. Of the various surviving temples, the Kandariya Mahadeva Temple is decorated with a profusion of sculptures with intricate details, symbolism and expressiveness of ancient Indian art.

 

The Khajuraho group of temples were built together but were dedicated to two religions - namely Hinduism and Jainism - suggesting a tradition of acceptance and respect for diverse religious views among Hindus and Jains.

 

LOCATION

Khajuraho group of monuments are located in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, in Chhatarpur district, about 620 kilometres southeast of New Delhi. The temples are in a small town also known as Khajuraho, with a population of about 20,000 people (2001 Census).

 

Khajuraho is served by Civil Aerodrome Khajuraho (IATA Code: HJR), with services to Delhi, Agra, Varanasi and Mumbai. The site is also linked by Indian Railways service, with the railway station located approximately six kilometres from the monuments entrance.

 

The monuments are about 10 kilometres off the east-west National Highway 75, and about 50 kilometres from the city of Chhatarpur, that is connected to Bhopal - the state capital - by the SW-NE running National Highway 86.

 

HISTORY

The Khajuraho group of monuments was built during the rule of the Rajput Chandela dynasty. The building activity started almost immediately after the rise of their power, throughout their kingdom to be later known as Bundelkhand. Most temples were built during the reigns of the Hindu kings Yashovarman and Dhanga. Yashovarman's legacy is best exhibited by Lakshmana temple. Vishvanatha temple best highlights King Dhanga's reign. The largest and currently most famous surviving temple is Kandariya Mahadeva built in the reign of King Ganda from 1017-1029 CE. The temple inscriptions suggest many of the currently surviving temples were complete between 970 to 1030 CE, with further temples completed during the following decades.

 

The Khajuraho temples were built about 35 miles from the medieval city of Mahoba, the capital of the Chandela dynasty, in the Kalinjar region. In ancient and medieval literature, their kingdom has been referred to as Jijhoti, Jejahoti, Chih-chi-to and Jejakabhukti.

 

Khajuraho was mentioned by Abu Rihan-al-Biruni, the Persian historian who accompanied Mahmud of Ghazni in his raid of Kalinjar in 1022 CE; he mentions Khajuraho as the capital of Jajahuti. The raid was unsuccessful, and a peace accord was reached when the Hindu king agreed to pay a ransom to Mahmud of Ghazni to end the attack and leave.

 

Khajuraho temples were in active use through the end of 12th century. This changed in the 13th century, after the army of Delhi Sultanate, under the command of the Muslim Sultan Qutb-ud-din Aibak, attacked and seized the Chandela kingdom. About a century later, Ibn Battuta, the Moroccan traveller in his memoirs about his stay in India from 1335 to 1342 CE, mentioned visiting Khajuraho temples, calling them “Kajarra” as follows:

 

...near (Khajuraho) temples, which contain idols that have been mutilated by the Moslems, live a number of yogis whose matted locks have grown as long as their bodies. And on account of extreme asceticism they are all yellow in colour. Many Moslems attend these men in order to take lessons (yoga) from them.

— Ibn Battuta, about 1335 CE, Riḥlat Ibn Baṭūṭah, Translated by Arthur Cotterell

 

Central Indian region, where Khajuraho temples are, remained in the control of many different Muslim dynasties from 13th century through the 18th century. In this period, some temples were desecrated, followed by a long period when they were left in neglect. In 1495 CE, for example, Sikandar Lodi’s campaign of temple destruction included Khajuraho. The remoteness and isolation of Khajuraho protected the Hindu and Jain temples from continued destruction by Muslims. Over the centuries, vegetation and forests overgrew, took over the temples.

 

In the 1830s, local Hindus guided a British surveyor, T.S. Burt, to the temples and they were thus rediscovered by the global audience. Alexander Cunningham later reported, few years after the rediscovery, that the temples were secretly in use by yogis and thousands of Hindus would arrive for pilgrimage during Shivaratri celebrated annually in February or March based on a lunar calendar. In 1852, Maisey prepared earliest drawings of the Khajuraho temples.

 

NOMENCLATURE

The name Khajuraho, or Kharjuravāhaka, is derived from ancient Sanskrit (kharjura, खर्जूर means date palm, and vāhaka, वाहक means "one who carries" or bearer). Local legends state that the temples had two golden date-palm trees as their gate (missing when they were rediscovered). Desai states that Kharjuravāhaka also means scorpion bearer, which is another symbolic name for deity Shiva (who wears snakes and scorpion garlands in his fierce form).

 

Cunningham’s nomenclature and systematic documentation work in 1850s and 1860s have been widely adopted and continue to be in use. He grouped the temples into the Western group around Lakshmana, Eastern group around Javeri, and Southern group around Duladeva.

 

Khajuraho is one of the four holy sites linked to deity Shiva (the other three are Kedarnath, Kashi and Gaya). Its origin and design is a subject of scholarly studies. Shobita Punja has proposed that the temple’s origin reflect the Hindu mythology in which Khajuraho is the place where Shiva got married; with Raghuvamsha verse 5.53, Matangeshvara honoring ‘’Matanga’’, or god of love.

 

DESCRIPTION

The temple site is within Vindhya mountain range in central India. An ancient local legend held that Hindu deity Shiva and other gods enjoyed visiting the dramatic hill formation in Kalinjar area. The center of this region is Khajuraho, set midst local hills and rivers. The temple complex reflects the ancient Hindu tradition of building temples where gods love to play.

 

The temples are clustered near water, another typical feature of Hindu temples. The current water bodies include Sib Sagar, Khajur Sagar (also called Ninora Tal) and Khudar Nadi (river). The local legends state that the temple complex had 64 water bodies, of which 56 have been physically identified by archeologists so far.

 

All temples, except one (Chaturbhuja) face sunrise - another symbolic feature that is predominant in Hindu temples. The relative layout of temples integrate masculine and feminine deities and symbols highlight the interdependence. The art work symbolically highlight the four goals of life considered necessary and proper in Hinduism - dharma, kama, artha and moksha.

 

Of the surviving temples, 6 are dedicated to Shiva and his consorts, 8 to Vishnu and his affinities, 1 to Ganesha, 1 to Sun god, 3 to Jain Tirthanks. For some ruins, there is insufficient evidence to assign the temple to specific deities with confidence.

 

An overall examination of site suggests that the Hindu symbolic mandala design principle of square and circles is present each temple plan and design. Further, the territory is laid out in three triangles that converge to form a pentagon. Scholars suggest that this reflects the Hindu symbolism for three realms or trilokinatha, and five cosmic substances or panchbhuteshvara. The temple site highlights Shiva, the one who destroys and recycles life, thereby controlling the cosmic dance of time, evolution and dissolution. The temples have a rich display of intricately carved statues. While they are famous for their erotic sculpture, sexual themes cover less than 10% of the temple sculpture. Further, most erotic scene panels are neither prominent nor emphasized at the expense of the rest, rather they are in proportional balance with the non-sexual images. The viewer has to look closely to find them, or be directed by a guide. The arts cover numerous aspects of human life and values considered important in Hindu pantheon. Further, the images are arranged in a configuration to express central ideas of Hinduism. All three ideas from Āgamas are richly expressed in Khajuraho temples - Avyakta, Vyaktavyakta and Vyakta.

 

The Beejamandal temple is under excavation. It has been identified with the Vaidyanath temple mentioned in the Grahpati Kokalla inscription.

 

Of all temples, the Matangeshvara temple remains an active site of worship. It is another square grid temple, with a large 2.5 metres high and 1.1 metres diameter lingam, placed on a 7.6 metres diameter platform.

 

The most visited temple, Kandariya Mahadev, has an area of about 6,500 square feet and a shikhara (spire) that rises 116 feet. Jain templesThe Jain temples are located on east-southeast region of Khajuraho monuments. Chausath jogini temple features 64 jogini, while Ghantai temple features bells sculptured on its pillars.

 

ARCHITECTURE OF THE TEMPLES

Khajuraho temples, like almost all Hindu temple designs, follow a grid geometrical design called vastu-purusha-mandala. This design plan has three important components - Mandala means circle, Purusha is universal essence at the core of Hindu tradition, while Vastu means the dwelling structure.

 

The design lays out a Hindu temple in a symmetrical, concentrically layered, self-repeating structure around the core of the temple called garbhagriya, where the abstract principle Purusha and the primary deity of the temple dwell. The shikhara, or spire, of the temple rises above the garbhagriya. This symmetry and structure in design is derived from central beliefs, myths, cardinality and mathematical principles.

 

The circle of mandala circumscribe the square. The square is considered divine for its perfection and as a symbolic product of knowledge and human thought, while circle is considered earthly, human and observed in everyday life (moon, sun, horizon, water drop, rainbow). Each supports the other. The square is divided into perfect 64 sub-squares called padas.

 

Most Khajuraho temples deploy the 8x8 padas grid Manduka Vastupurushamandala, with pitha mandala the square grid incorporated in the design of the spires. The primary deity or lingas are located in the grid’s Brahma padas.

The architecture is symbolic and reflects the central Hindu beliefs through its form, structure and arrangement of its parts. The mandapas as well as the arts are arranged in the Khajuraho temples in a symmetric repeating patterns, even though each image or sculpture is distinctive in its own way. The relative placement of the images are not random but together they express ideas, just like connected words form sentences and paragraphs to compose ideas. This fractal pattern that is common in Hindu temples. Various statues and panels have inscriptions. Many of the inscriptions on the temple walls are poems with double meanings, something that the complex structure of Sanskrit allows in creative compositions. All Khajuraho temples, except one, face sunrise, and the entrance for the devotee is this east side.Above the vastu-purusha-mandala of each temple is a superstructure with a dome called Shikhara (or Vimana, Spire). Variations in spire design come from variation in degrees turned for the squares. The temple Shikhara, in some literature, is linked to mount Kailash or Meru, the mythical abode of the gods.In each temple, the central space typically is surrounded by an ambulatory for the pilgrim to walk around and ritually circumambulate the Purusa and the main deity. The pillars, walls and ceilings around the space, as well as outside have highly ornate carvings or images of the four just and necessary pursuits of life - kama, artha, dharma and moksa. This clockwise walk around is called pradakshina. Larger Khajuraho temples also have pillared halls called mandapa. One near the entrance, on the east side, serves as the waiting room for pilgrims and devotees. The mandapas are also arranged by principles of symmetry, grids and mathematical precision. This use of same underlying architectural principle is common in Hindu temples found all over India. Each Khajuraho temple is distinctly carved yet also repeating the central common principles in almost all Hindu temples, one which Susan Lewandowski refers to as “an organism of repeating cells”.

 

CONSTRUCTION

The temples are grouped into three geographical divisions: western, eastern and southern.

 

The Khajuraho temples are made of sandstone, with a granite foundation that is almost concealed from view. The builders didn't use mortar: the stones were put together with mortise and tenon joints and they were held in place by gravity. This form of construction requires very precise joints. The columns and architraves were built with megaliths that weighed up to 20 tons. Some repair work in the 19th Century was done with brick and mortar; however these have aged faster than original materials and darkened with time, thereby seeming out of place.

 

The Khajuraho and Kalinjar region is home to superior quality of sandstone, which can be precision carved. The surviving sculpture reflect fine details such as strands of hair, manicured nails and intricate jewelry.

 

While recording the television show Lost Worlds (History Channel) at Khajuraho, Alex Evans recreated a stone sculpture under 4 feet that took about 60 days to carve in an attempt to develop a rough idea how much work must have been involved. Roger Hopkins and Mark Lehner also conducted experiments to quarry limestone which took 12 quarrymen 22 days to quarry about 400 tons of stone. They concluded that these temples would have required hundreds of highly trained sculptors.

 

CHRONOLOGY

The Khajuraho group of temples belong to Vaishnavism school of Hinduism, Saivism school of Hinduism and Jainism - nearly a third each. Archaeological studies suggest all three types of temples were under construction at about the same time in late 10th century, and in use simultaneously. Will Durant states that this aspect of Khajuraho temples illustrates the tolerance and respect for different religious viewpoints in the Hindu and Jain traditions. In each group of Khajuraho temples, there were major temples surrounded by smaller temples - a grid style that is observed to varying degrees in Hindu temples in Angkor Wat, Parambaran and South India.

 

The largest surviving Saiva temple is Khandarya Mahadeva, while the largest surviving Vaishnava group includes Chaturbhuja and Ramachandra.

 

Kandariya Mahadeva Temple plan is 109 ft in length by 60 ft, and rises 116 ft above ground and 88 ft above its own floor. The central padas are surrounded by three rows of sculptured figures, with over 870 statues, most being half life size (2.5 to 3 feet). The spire is a self repeating fractal structure.

 

ARTS AND SCULPTURE

The Khajuraho temples feature a variety of art work, of which 10% is sexual or erotic art outside and inside the temples. Some of the temples that have two layers of walls have small erotic carvings on the outside of the inner wall. Some scholars suggest these to be tantric sexual practices. Other scholars state that the erotic arts are part of Hindu tradition of treating kama as an essential and proper part of human life, and its symbolic or explicit display is common in Hindu temples. James McConnachie, in his history of the Kamasutra, describes the sexual-themed Khajuraho sculptures as "the apogee of erotic art": "Twisting, broad-hipped and high breasted nymphs display their generously contoured and bejewelled bodies on exquisitely worked exterior wall panels. These fleshy apsaras run riot across the surface of the stone, putting on make-up, washing their hair, playing games, dancing, and endlessly knotting and unknotting their girdles....Beside the heavenly nymphs are serried ranks of griffins, guardian deities and, most notoriously, extravagantly interlocked maithunas, or lovemaking couples."

 

The temples have several thousand statues and art works, with Kandarya Mahadeva Temple alone decorated with over 870. Some 10% of these iconographic carvings contain sexual themes and various sexual poses. A common misconception is that, since the old structures with carvings in Khajuraho are temples, the carvings depict sex between deities; however the kama arts represent diverse sexual expressions of different human beings. The vast majority of arts depict various aspects the everyday life, mythical stories as well as symbolic display of various secular and spiritual values important in Hindu tradition. For example, depictions show women putting on makeup, musicians making music, potters, farmers, and other folks in their daily life during the medieval era. These scenes are in the outer padas as is typical in Hindu temples.

 

There is iconographic symbolism embedded in the arts displayed in Khajuraho temples. Core Hindu values are expressed in multitude of ways. Even the Kama scenes, when seen in combination of sculptures that precede and follow, depict the spiritual themes such as moksha. In the words of Stella Kramrisch,

 

This state which is “like a man and woman in close embrace” is a symbol of moksa, final release or reunion of two principles, the essence (Purusha) and the nature (Prakriti).

— Stella Kramrisch, 1976

 

The Khajuraho temples represent one expression of many forms of arts that flourished in Rajput kingdoms of India from 8th through 10th century CE. For example, contemporary with Khajuraho were the publications of poems and drama such as Prabodhacandrodaya, Karpuramanjari, Viddhasalabhanjika and Kavyamimansa. Some of the themes expressed in these literary works are carved as sculpture in Khajuraho temples. Some sculptures at the Khajuraho monuments dedicated to Vishnu include the Vyalas, which are hybrid imaginary animals with lions body, and are found in other Indian temples. Some of these hybrid mythical art work include Vrik Vyala (hybrid of wolf and lion) and Gaja Vyala (hybrid of elephant and lion). These Vyalas may represent syncretic, creative combination of powers innate in the two.

 

TOURISM AND CULTURAL EVENTS

The temples in Khajuraho are broadly divided into three parts: the Eastern group, the Southern Group and the Western group of temples of which the Western group alone has the facility of an Audio guided tour wherein the tourists are guided through the seven eight temples. There is also an audio guided tour developed by the Archaeological Survey of India which includes a narration of the temple history and architecture.

 

The Khajuraho Dance Festival is held every year in February. It features various classical Indian dances set against the backdrop of the Chitragupta or Vishwanath Temples.

 

The Khajuraho temple complex offers a light and sound show every evening. The first show is in English language and the second one in Hindi. It is held in the open lawns in the temple complex, and has received mixed reviews.

 

The Madhya Pradesh Tourism Development has set up kiosks at the Khajuraho railway station, with tourist officers to provide information for Khajuraho visitors.

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Der Tempelbezirk von Khajuraho umfasst eine Gruppe von etwa 20 Tempeln im Zentrum und in der näheren Umgebung der Stadt Khajuraho im indischen Bundesstaat Madhya Pradesh. Sie zählen zum UNESCO-Welterbe.

 

GESCHICHTE

Nahezu alle Tempel Khajurahos wurde von den Herrschern der Chandella-Dynastie zwischen 950 und 1120 erbaut. Die Chandellas waren ein zwischen dem 10. und 16. Jahrhundert regierender Rajputen-Klan, welcher sich um 950 in Gwalior festsetzte. Im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert waren die Chandellas die führende Macht in Nordindien, wenngleich sie formell noch bis 1018 Vasallen der Pratihara waren.

 

Nach dem Niedergang der Dynastie im 12. Jahrhundert wurden die Tempel kaum noch oder gar nicht mehr benutzt und blieben dem Wuchs des Dschungels überlassen. Der politisch, militärisch und wirtschaftlich bedeutungslos gewordene Ort lag abseits aller Wege und blieb somit auch in der Zeit des islamischen Vordringens in Nordindien von Zerstörungen verschont. Im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert zählte die einstmals bedeutsame Stadt nur noch etwa 300 Einwohner. Im 19. Jahrhundert wurden die Tempel von den Briten 'wiederentdeckt'. Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts begannen systematische Sicherungs- und Restaurierungsarbeiten, die schließlich zur Wiederherstellung dieses einzigartigen Architektur-Ensembles führten.

 

TEMPEL

Ursprünglich gab es in Khajuraho etwa 80 Tempelbauten verstreut auf einer Gesamtfläche von ca. 21 Quadratkilometer, heutzutage sind davon nur noch etwa 20 erhalten, von denen die meisten in zwei Gruppen stehen. Die Mehrzahl der Tempel ist den hinduistischen Hauptgöttern geweiht, einige den Jaina-Tirthankaras. Buddhistische Bauten gab es wohl nicht, jedenfalls wurden keine buddhistischen Skulpturen entdeckt.

 

Alle Tempel stehen auf 1,50 bis 3 Meter hohen Plattformen (jagatis), die das Bauwerk vor Witterungseinflüssen (Monsunregen) und freilaufenden Tieren schützten. Hinzu kommt eine Sockelzone, die bei den späteren Tempeln (ab ca. 950) mehrfach gestuft ist und durchaus nochmals 3 Meter hoch sein kann. Plattform und Sockel tragen natürlich auch zu einer 'Erhöhung' des aufstehenden Bauwerks im übertragenen Sinn bei.

 

Die Mehrzahl der Tempeleingänge sind nach Osten, also in Richtung der aufgehenden Sonne ausgerichtet, d. h. die Cella (garbhagriha) liegt im Westen. Bei zwei Tempeln ist es umgekehrt: sie orientieren sich nach Westen, d. h. in Richtung der untergehenden Sonne (Lalguan-Mahadeva-Tempel und Chaturbuja-Tempel). Beide Ausrichtungen sind bei indischen Tempeln seit Jahrhunderten möglich und üblich. Die vorderen zwei Begleitschreine des Lakshmana-Tempels liegen einander gegenüber und sind nach Süden bzw. Norden ausgerichtet.

 

WESTGRUPPE (Hindu-Tempel)

- Matangeshvara-Tempel (ca. 950)

- Varaha-Tempel (ca. 950)

- Lakshmana-Tempel (ca. 950)

- Devi-Tempel

- Vishvanatha-Tempel (ca. 1000)

- Nandi-Schrein

- Parvati-Schrein

- Jagadambi-Tempel

- Chitragupta-Tempel

- Kandariya-Mahadeva-Tempel (1. Hälfte 11. Jh.)

 

OSTGRUPPE (Jain-Tempel)

- Parsvanatha-Tempel (ca. 960)

- Adinatha-Tempel (ca. 1050)

- Shantinatha-Tempel

- Ghantai-Tempel (ca. 990)

 

EINZELTEMPEL (Hindu-Tempel)

- Chausath-Yogini-Tempel (ca. 875)

- Lalguan-Mahadeva-Tempel (ca. 920)

- Brahma-Tempel (ca. 930)

- Khakra-Math-Tempel (ca. 980)

- Vamana-Tempel (ca. 1050)

- Javari-Tempel (ca. 1100)

- Chaturbuja-Tempel (ca. 1120)

- Duladeo-Tempel (ca. 1120)

 

ARCHITEKTUR

Die Tempel von Khajuraho bieten die Möglichkeit, auf engstem Raum die Entwicklung der indischen Baukunst in einer Zeitspanne von etwa 200 Jahren zu verfolgen − von kleinen (wenig gegliederten, einräumigen und geschlossenen) Tempeln hin zu großen (stark gegliederten, mehrräumigen und offenen) Bauten. Auch die Höhe der Bauten erfährt während dieser Zeit eine enorme Steigerung. Gemeinsam ist nahezu allen Bauten (Ausnahme: Chausath-Yogini-Tempel), dass sie über Dachaufbauten (Shikhara-Türme oder Pyramidendächer) verfügen, die von gerippten amalaka-Steinen und kalasha-Krügen bekrönt werden.

 

FRÜHZEIT

Abgesehen vom Chausath-Yogini-Tempel, dem ältesten und vollkommen anderen baulichen Traditionen verpflichteten Tempelbau in Khajuraho, bestehen die frühen Tempel nur aus einer − von einem gestuften Pyramidendach bedeckten − Cella (garbhagriha), der im Fall des Brahma-Tempels noch ein Portalvorbau (antarala), im Fall des Varaha-Tempels und des Matangesvara-Tempels jeweils ein kleiner offener Vorraum (mandapa) vorgesetzt ist. Die Außenwände sind nur geringfügig gegliedert und überwiegend steinsichtig.

 

BLÜHTZEIT

Die Blütezeit der Tempelarchitektur in Khajuraho beginnt mit dem Lakshmana-Tempel (ca. 930−950), der wahrscheinlich vom Maladevi-Tempel in Gyaraspur und von früheren Tempelbauten in Rajasthan beeinflusst ist, die ihrerseits wiederum allesamt auf die beim Bau des Kalika-Mata-Tempels in Chittorgarh (ca. 700) erstmals entwickelten baulichen Innovationen zurückgeführt werden können. Diese sind im Wesentlichen: mehrere hintereinander liegende, aber harmonisch miteinander verbundenen Bauteile (mandapas, antarala und garbhagriha); gleiche Grundfläche von großer Vorhalle (mahamandapa) und Sanktumsbereich; Cella als eigenständiger Baukörper im Innern; Pfeiler − und nicht mehr Wände − als tragende Stützelemente für die Dachaufbauten − dadurch wurde es möglich, die Räume nach außen hin durch balkonähnliche Vorbauten zu öffnen; mehrfache Abstufung und Gliederung der verbliebenen Wandteile außen wie innen − dadurch treten sie gar nicht mehr als 'Wand' in Erscheinung; Fortsetzung der Außenwandgliederung im Dachaufbau.

 

Beim Lakshmana-Tempel ist die Cella als eigener, innenliegender Baukörper gestaltet und von einem Umgang (pradakshinapatha) umgeben. Der gesamte Sanktumsbereich sowie seine vier Nebenschreine werden − erstmals in Khajuraho − von steil und hoch aufragenden Shikhara-Türmen überhöht; die weniger wichtigen Vorhallen werden auch weiterhin von den insgesamt flacheren, pyramidenförmigen Dächern bedeckt, so dass eine architektonische Steigerung der Tempel − einem Gebirge durchaus vergleichbar − hin zur Cella erreicht wird.

 

Die wichtigsten Nachfolgebauten des Lakshmana-Tempels sind der Vishvanatha-Tempel (ca. 1000) und der Kandariya-Mahadeva-Tempel (ca. 1050), bei denen wegen der vielfältigen architektonischen Gliederungen und des dichten Skulpturenprogramms eine Stein- bzw. Wandsichtigkeit nicht mehr wahrzunehmen ist.

 

SKULPTUREN

Auch im Hinblick auf die Entwicklung der indischen Skulptur bieten die Tempel von Khajuraho einen Überblick über ca. 200 Jahre indischer Kunstgeschichte − von den in Architekturelemente eingebundenen und eher unbewegt und statisch erscheinenden Reliefdarstellungen der Frühzeit bis hin zu den beinahe freiplastisch gearbeiteten und durch ihre Posenvielfalt nahezu lebendig wirkenden Figuren.

 

FRÜHZEITLICHE SKULPTUREN

Die nur wenig gegliederten Außenwände der frühen Tempel von Khajuraho zeigen kaum figürlichen oder ornamentalen Schmuck. Dieser ist, noch stark reliefgebunden, auf die Portale (Lalguan-Mahadeva-Tempel, Brahma-Tempel) sowie auf einige Fensternischen (Matangeshvara-Tempel) beschränkt. Erotische Skulpturen sind in den frühen Tempeln noch nicht zu finden.

 

SKULPTUREN DER BLÜHTEZEIT

Auch hier ist es der Lakshmana-Tempel, der für Khajuraho neue Zeichen setzt: Während die Außenwände der Vorhallen nur wenig figürliche Reliefs zeigen, sind die Wände des Sanktums überreich mit Skulpturen geschmückt. Darunter finden sich Götterfiguren (devas oder devis), „schöne Mädchen“ (surasundaris) und Liebespaare (mithunas); auch die ersten erotischen Skulpturen sind in den unteren (erdnahen) Feldern der Mittelregister sowie im Figurenfries der Plattform zu sehen. Die mittleren Felder zeigen dagegen zärtliche Liebespaare mit kleineren Begleitfiguren, die oberen Götterfiguren. Eine Hierarchie der Figurenanordnung ist also deutlich wahrnehmbar. Bei den unmittelbaren Nachfolgebauten (Vishvanatha-Tempel, Jagadambi-Tempel und Kandariya-Mahadeva-Tempel) nimmt die Anzahl der Figuren und somit auch der erotischen Darstellungen zu.

 

Bei den Jain-Tempeln und den späteren Hindu-Tempeln sind kaum noch erotisch-sexuelle Darstellungen zu finden; hier überwiegt die Anzahl der Götterfiguren manchmal sogar die der „schönen Mädchen“.

 

ARCHÄOLOGISCHES MUSEUM

Zu den Sehenswürdigkeiten im Bereich des Tempelbezirks von Khajuraho gehört auch das im Ortskern gelegene Archäologische Museum (auch Rani Durgavati-Museum genannt). Es beherbergt einige sehr schöne Skulpturen, die im Rahmen der Ausgrabungs- und Restaurierungsarbeiten gefunden und hierher verbracht wurden, weil sie keinem der erhaltenen Tempelbauten direkt zuzuordnen waren.

 

WIKIPEDIA

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Aligarh, a medium industrial town of Uttar Pradesh is a world of paradox! On one side, the majestic Aligarh Muslim University stands tall while on the other side, there's poverty, hardship and illiteracy. Aligrah is probably the lock & key capital of India producing all kinds of hardware products for local markets. Three quarter of all branded lock & keys are produced in Aligarh's small scale sector, later bought by big companies.

 

It was quiet difficult to venture into the dark rooms of lock makers as many didn't allow me in! Activities happen in small dingy rooms pretty unhygienic and mostly unventilated.. there were women, children and old people working all day. Some of the rooms were really hot even in winter, I cant imagine how they work in these rooms during scorching summer. Many owners were scared of Income Tax and Child labour squad, though it rarely happens in a state like UP.

 

So here are some keys getting that final make over through silver plating! more pictures are here

December 02, 2019: Aligarh, UP -Salvation Tour

Working at the ART Clinic, a typical day for Unsa is busy. Attending to HIV+ patients, not just local but also from neighbouring districts, she keeps track of medication and monitors their health indicators.

 

Unlike any other department in a hospital, she feels that working here makes her interact with patients over a much longer time period. “Here, we can build relationships with them,” she continues with a smile, “and in other places, the relationship ends as soon as the patient gets discharged”. At the same time, there needs to be the right amount of counselling with a great deal of sensitivity, which requires a lot of emotional involvement too.

 

Ramadan is a trying month, catering to the workload at the clinic while fasting. With a calm and pleasing demeanour, she goes about her responsibilities considering them an opportunity provided by the Almighty to serve people.

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Oh Gosh..Just pulled out the shot at the last split second..

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Professor Salma Haqqee (Shayan Haqqee, Son)

—————————————

18 years ago on 1st October,our mother Professor Salma Haqqee left this world. May Allah grant her soul eternal peace (Aameen).

 

She was a very educated lady. After she graduated from Queen Mary’s College in Delhi, she did MA from Aligarh University and taught there till 1947. After Partition she taught in Government College for Women in Karachi till her retirement in 1979. She was an amazing lady, and a very loving, caring mother. She always made sure that her six children always ate well and ate healthy, that their school uniforms were always ironed and shoes always polished, while school bags were always on the ready with all required books and stationery. She did all this while working full-time as a university professor but this wasn’t all, because she also never neglected her husband, for whom she was a devoted and loyal wife. Additionally she was his intellectual equal and partner, which is no small feat, since few could equal Shanul Haq Haqqee formidable knowledge of language and lexicography. Additionally she was there to take care of the household, and all mundane and necessary matters of life, since Haqqee himself was the proverbial genius; while extremely erudite, he was often forgetful and absent-minded in routine matters, to the point even of being helpless at times. Fortunately for him, Salma was always present to rescue him. His wife’s dedication and support allowed him to produce all the prodigious work he has left as an unmatched legacy for generations to follow. He otherwise would have not been able to leave behind all the creative and amazing works for generations to come. Two gentlemen have finished PhDs and three people have completed MPhils on his works.

 

Salma herself could have become a renowned writer, she had all the talent and ability, but she had decided to prioritize her family. She took over all responsibilities of fatherhood as well to her children. She allowed her husband complete freedom to dedicate himself to his creative work and sacrificed her own literary ambitions. However she did manage to write a book

“شھیدان وفا کا خوں بہا کیا”

 

It is a biography of her friend and roommate Safia Jaan Nisar Akhter. She was the mother of Indian writer and lyricist Javed Akhter, and wife of Jaan Nisar Akhtar who my father Shanulhaq Haqqee’s friend and fellow poet,

and also sister to the poet Majaz. My mother also wrote many children’s bedtime stories, as well as anecdotes, poems, and riddles for children. She had also translated 80% of Victor Hugo’s famous novel ‘Les Miserables’, that is from its English translation into Urdu. However, she could not complete this work as by then she had developed Alzheimer’s disease. One day she went with me to meet her friend, the famous educationist, Begum Majeed Malik, and handed her over a thick brown bag containing all her writings. Unfortunately, Begum Majeed passed away exactly one year after Amma, and in spite of every effort, I could not find that brown bag containing Amma’s writings, a regret I will carry the rest of my life. She compiled a brochure…

“گلدستہ ء نگارش”

for the launch ceremony of my father’s book Nukta-e-Raaz, which contained various research articles. That brochure was also reproduced on Abba’s platinum birth anniversary, celebrated by the Aligarh Old Boys’ Association in Karachi. It also contained her article about her husband and our father, Shanulhaq Haqqee, and carried many of her reminiscences about her husband’s perennial forgetfulness. She recalled in the piece how Haqqee would often forget to pick her up from her college on workdays, and would on other occasions wait outside the college-gate when it was her day off. In a function of Aligarh Old Boys’ Association of Montreal, Salma, being an Aligarian herself, was called upon to give a speech. I remember the first sentence of her sweet and short speech

“خواتین و حضرات مجھے یہاں اولڈ تو بہت نظر آرہے ہیں مگر بوائز کہیں دکھائی نہیں دے رہے “

The audience, who had by then become tired listening to the long and boring speeches which precede her, suddenly started laughing and gave her speech loud applause. In fact she received a standing ovation at the end of her brief address. Her students included eminences such as late poetess Parveen Shakir,Haseena Moin Saheba, Begum Dr.Aslam Farrukhi, and Khusbakht Shujaat. Late Haseena Moen Saheba considered my mother her mentor. Khusbakht Shujaat won many Inter-Collegiate and also All Pakistan debating competitions. My mother was in charge of the debating society and Government College forw women, and helped Shujaat to prepare for those debating competititons.

 

She was also a person full of sympathy, and would go out of her way to help people in need, even at the expense of getting herself into difficulty. She was also very hospitable. I heard many stories of her hospitality from her relatives and friends after her passing away. It is indeed a rare thing to have so many sterling qualities in one person.

 

People might think I am praising her because she was my mother, but anyone who knew her, will vouch for the veracity of my words. Even those who met her only once or twice speak of her very fondly. One of my brothers-in-law, who met her only once, said to me “I liked the way she talked and it was a pleasure to listen to her. I felt like just listening to her rather than saying anything.”

 

I would say she was an angel of God, sent to earth in the form of a human being. What an amazing soul you were Amma! I have missed you dearly every day of my life for the last eighteen years, since the day you took your last breath in my hands. I had been afraid I might not be around in her last moments due to my job as an airline pilot, but God granted my wish, and I was right beside her when she said goodbye to this world.

 

womens college

At Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India

womens college

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JAYGAON, MALDA/ENGLISH BAZAAR, ISLAMPUR, DINHATA, COOCHBEHAR, ALIPURDUAR, TAMIL NADU, CHENNAI, COIMBATORE, SRIPERUMBUDUR, MAHINDRA PARK, CHENGALPATTU, KANCHIPURAM, TRIPURA, AGARTALA, BADARGHAT, UTTAR PRADESH, LUCKNOW, KANPUR, SAHARANPUR, MEERUT, RISHIKESH, ROORKEE, MODINAGAR, MURADNAGAR, UTTARAKHAND, DEHRADUN, HARIDWAR, WEST BENGAL, KOLKATA, GUJARAT, AHMEDABAD, GANDHINAGAR, BARODA, SURAT, VAPI, MUNDRA, ANKALESHWAR, DAMAN, SILVASSA, NAVSARI, VALSAD, BILIMORA, BARDOLI, GANDHIDHAM, MEHSANA, PALANPUR, KALOL, GANDHIDHAM, ANAND, NADIAD, BHARUCH, BANASKANTHA, KHEDA, MEHSANA, KALOL, KADI, PALANPUR, SURENDRANAGAR, AMRELI, MORBI, KUTCH, BHUJ,

"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"

By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)

 

Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.

 

During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:

 

“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”

 

Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).

 

Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.

 

In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).

 

One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).

 

Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:

 

“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).

 

Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:

 

“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).

 

People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.

 

All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).

 

In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.

 

The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):

 

“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).

 

Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).

 

When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).

 

Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.

 

Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”

 

Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.

 

The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.

 

Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine

***

1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020

2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020

3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020

4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020

5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020

6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020

7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020

8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020

10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020

12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020

www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine

***

 

#AllamaMashriqi #NasimYousaf #Khaksars #KhaksarTehrik #KhaksarMovement #BengalFamine #Famine #Calcutta #Kolkata #Pandemic #BritishRaj #BritishEmpire #IndianHistory #Jinnah #QuaideAzam #Gandhi #Nehru #MuslimLeague #HinduMahasabha #VDSavarkar #Savarkar #BengalDestituteCamp #DestituteCamp #Bengal #BengalVictims #BengalTragedy #History #SouthAsia #SouthAsianStudies #SouthAsianHistory #Indiansubcontinent

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"Allama Mashriqi & the 1943 Bengal Famine"

By Nasim Yousaf (اسکالر اور تاریخ دان نسیم یوسف)

 

Allama Mashriqi was a prominent reformer, revolutionary, and humanitarian from the Indian sub-continent. One of the reasons for Mashriqi’s popularity was that he and his Khaksar Movement worked tirelessly to serve the masses. This article discusses the Bengal Famine of 1943, when the Khaksars played a laudable role in providing social services to the people in a time of great need. This time period also sheds light on how the Government of British India and Mashriqi’s political opponents felt threatened by the Tehrik and opposed its efforts, ultimately resulting in a Government ban on the Khaksars’ humanitarian work in Bengal.

 

During the time of the Second World War (WWII), around mid-June of 1943, the Bengal area was faced with a terrible famine. It was a devastating time, as millions of people starved, bodies were lying everywhere, and over three million perished. The Khaksar Tehrik’s English weekly newspaper The Radiance (Aligarh) wrote at the time (in an article entitled “The Bengal Famine” dated September 24, 1943): “This famine has not come down like the bolt from the blue. It was clearly foreseen or foreseeable. It is not an Act of God. It is the sin of man – the result of man’s stupidity and tyranny” (also see “Our Duty to Bengal” in The Radiance, dated October 08, 1944). Allama Mashriqi mainly blamed the Government for the famine; he refused to watch his fellow citizens dying or suffering from malnutrition and starvation and planned to save at least a half a million victims. On September 15, 1943, Mashriqi issued the following order to Khaksars all over India:

 

“Hunger and death in Bengal need no comment. This is perhaps the only event in history when human beings are dying in thousands…and Government is fiddling away the time. The situation has been literally unbearable to many of us and I have passed many sleepless nights.”

 

Mashriqi issued the following directive: “…I order that every group [of Khaksars] must make itself ready to support one person until hunger and death disappear…Hindu as well as Muslim Khaksars should take part in this movement irrespective of caste or creed…must take the most active part in organsing [organizing] this vast human effort for good…” (Source: Help Bengal! Allama’s Order, The Radiance, September 24, 1943).

 

Information about Mashriqi’s order also appeared in the Governor of Punjab’s confidential report for the second half of September 1943, which stated that Mashriqi had issued a directive to Khaksars throughout India to help Bengal famine evacuees (IOL L/P&J/5/246, p. 38). Following Mashriqi’s order, a large number of male and female Khaksars from various religious faiths joined the effort. From the Muslim side, some Khaksars included Tahira Begum (Nazim-i-Ala), Saeeda Bano, and professors (e.g. Prof. Rafiq Ahmed, Prof. Ubaidullah Durrani) and students of Aligarh Muslim University. From the non-Muslim side, some Khaksars were Pandit Amar Nath Joshi (Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram (Nazim-e-Sind) and Jaindu Ram.

 

In order to help the victims of the famine, a Central Relief Camp (“Bengal Destitutes Camp”) as well as district camps were set-up. The central camp was at Mohammad Ali Park in Calcutta (now Kolkata) under the control of M. Shafi Khokhar (Nazim-i-Alah Muhajareen) and Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal). Sick and destitute individuals in the camps were seen by medical experts (e.g. Dr. Abu Zafar Mohammad Tahir).

 

One of the remarkable aspects of the Khakasar Tehrik was its commitment to treating everyone equally and fairly at a time when communalism and territorialism were actively promoted by other political parties. Mashriqi commanded the Khaksars: “No discrimination of whatever sort is to be allowed. Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs, and Christians [Parsees, Jews] are all equally the creatures of God. The food restrictions of different casts and religions are to be strictly observed” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 08, 1943).

 

Because of the limited resources available in Bengal, it eventually became indispensable to shift the victims to various parts of India. Mashriqi got permission from the Premier of Bengal Sir Khawaja Nazimuddin to evacuate the victims from Bengal and made another proclamation:

 

“the only thing we can do is to invite our suffering brethren from Bengal and share our bread with them…Half a million people can be very easily absorbed in the remaining 39 ½ million” (The Radiance, Aligarh, October 18, 1943).

 

Per Mashriqi’s plan, the victims would be supported by the Khaksars until they were rehabilitated or until they could go back to their respective homes in Bengal. Based on Mashriqi’s order, tens of thousands of Muslims and non-Muslims were transported to various cities of India. A Secret Police Abstract of Intelligence (Punjab) dated December 11, 1943 confirmed that new groups of destitute people (including both Muslims and Hindus) had been brought to Gujrat, Ferozepore, Gujranwala, Lahore, Multan, and Ambala. The police abstract also discussed Mashriqi’s orders to organize the relief effort. Many Muslims and non-Muslims visited the camps to learn about the help the Khaksars were providing and lauded them for working 24 hours a day with complete discipline to provide services to the victims, while also maintaining a respect for the victims’ differing religious beliefs. In December of 1943, Begum Amtul Salam of the Shevagram Ashram Wardha also visited the Central Camp at Mohammad Ali Park and found the relief activity to be highly disciplined and commendable; impressed with the relief work, she issued a Press Statement:

 

“I am very happy to have met you [Khaksars] and seen your work…There is no doubt that we can establish Hindu-Muslim unity only by serving each other…Personally speaking, there cannot be a more praiseworthy effort…for Hindu- Muslim unity….This the mission of my life. I hope you will fully help me in this mission I thank you all very heartily for the honour you have bestowed on my humble self” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 17, 1943).

 

People from all over India watched as the Khaksars moved victims to different cities and took care of the Bengalis. The nation admired Mashriqi and the Khaksars’ philanthropic services. As a result, the Khaksar Tehrik’s reputation was bolstered in India and the Tehrik’s membership grew immensely.

 

All of this of course did not sit well with the British rulers and Mashriqi’s political rivals; both groups felt threatened by Mashriqi’s popularity and the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth. The matter was discussed in Government circles, including high-ups such as Sir Richard Tottenham (Additional Secretary), Sir Reginald Maxwell (Home Member), and Sir Bertrand James Glancy (Punjab Governor); they were extremely unhappy with the Bengal Premier, Khawaja Nazimuddin, for allowing relief work and free railway transportation for victims, which was being done under an agreement with the Khaksar Tehrik. On the political side, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Hindu Mahasabha leaders (among others) were also concerned about the Khaksars’ growing popularity. The President of the Hindu Mahasabha, Dr. Shyamaprasad Mukherji, threatened a “Press Campaign” against the Khaksar Tehrik. Another Mahasabha leader, V.D. Savarkar, made a false and “mischievous.” claim that the Khaksars were converting “starving Hindu women and children to Islamic faith.” The idea was to defame and reduce Mashriqi’s popularity and gain grounds for the Hindu Mahasabha (which had no popularity in Bengal).

 

In order to damage Mashriqi and contain the Khaksar Tehrik’s growth, false propaganda from the Government as well as by political opponents was unleashed, including by pro-Government, pro-opposition media sources. Their false allegations included: (1) victims would become a burden on provincial governments, (2) the Khaksar activities were intended to “boost” the Khaksar Movement, and (3) Khaksars were converting Hindus to Muslims. These opposing sources even went so far as to collect false statements from a few of the destitute through either bribery or pressure. In order to further harrass the Khaksars, the Government of Bengal in Dhaka (Dacca) initiated a court case accusing the Khaksars of kidnapping children.

 

The opposition was indeed deplorable to any sane person; anti-Mashriqi elements were severely criticized by many, including Dr. K.N. Islam (who later wrote a book in the 1980s in Bengali entitled “Allama Masreki o Khakasara Andolana”). To reject the opposition’s flimsy allegations and charges, on December 19, 1943, Mashriqi telegraphically informed Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Alah, Bengal) to have Hindu Khaksar leaders manage the Hindu destitutes (to refute the criticism that the Khaksars were trying to convert Hindus):

 

“Authorise [Authorize] Pandit Amar Nath Joshi, Naib Salar-i-Azam, Mani Ram, Nazim-i-Sind, Jaindu Ram, jointly to distribute Hindu destitutes all over India to the utmost satisfaction of everybody…Obstructions put by Communal organizations incapable of saving destitues from death themselves under base political motives most callous. Refuse response to them in this work of saving humanity irrespective of cast or creed (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 24, 1943).

 

Despite Mashriqi’s step, Premier Khawaja Nazimuddin issued another order according to which “no more Khaksars would be allowed to enter Calcutta for relief work” (Source: a note by Sir Richard Tottenham dated December 23, 1943). Premier Nazimuddin also informed Khaksar leader Professor Rafiq Ahmed of Aligrah Muslim University, “We cannot allow you to take destitutes from Bengal…you are taking them in large numbers…the Government of India do not want the destitues to be taken away…” (The Radiance, Aligarh, December 31, 1943).

 

When this ban was imposed on the Khaksars’ humanitarian efforts, many throughout the country were upset and angry. Zamindar daily published a news item appreciating the Khaksars and indicating that their efforts would be forever remembered in Indian and human history. The newspaper also denounced the Government’s ban (Zamindar, December 25, 1943).

 

Mashriqi was naturally angry with the Government for canceling the agreement and also with his political opponents, including Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s All-India Muslim League, who he believed were trying to block the Tehrik’s humanitarian efforts and putting self-interests above the needs of the people. According to a Sind Police Abstract (On December 12, 1945), Mashriqi stated that the [Jinnah’s All-India Muslim] League was responsible for a number of negative acts, such as “the deaths of lacs [hundreds of thousands]” of people during the Bengal famine, and that Leaguers “took bribes openly” making “lacs of rupees [Hundreds of thousands rupees].” According to the abstract, Mashraqi also criticized the “capitalist mentality” of Indian National Congress leadership.

 

Upon the Bengal Premier’s cancellation of the agreement with the Khaksars, Mashriqi sent a telegram to Jinnah (as the Premier’s cancellation had Jinnah’s implicit consent): [Translated from Urdu] Notwithstanding your extremely objectionable, vindictive and one-sided attitude towards the Khaksars, I make a final appeal to you to make Nazimuddin continue November agreement [on] removal [of] Bengal destitutes…please consider patiently your heartless cruelty based on political motives also results refusal my humble request – Inayatullah Khan Ichhra.”

 

Khaksar Abdur Rashid Qureshi (Hakim-e-Ala, Bengal) also issued a Press Statement regarding the Bengal Premier’s order: the Khaksars "find the purpose of the heavy sacrifice they [Khaksars] made in their business and educational activities defeated by the Government of Bengal cancelling its agreement with them without notice and for no reason" (The Indian Express, June 07, 1944). Khaksars and the public were surprised that M.K. Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru did not condemn the Central or the Bengal Government for banning the Khaksars’ humanitarian activities. Their silence spoke of their anti-Khaksar mindset.

 

The Bengal famine was a fitting example of the Khaksars’ tireless devotion to the masses and the Government and opposition’s political motivations. Despite the Bengal Government’s actions, Mashriqi and the Khaksars continued to serve the people in other parts of India. Mashriqi believed in uniting the human race and from the very start of the movement had made regular community service a key and compulsory feature of the Khaksar Movement. As a result, millions of Khaksars all over India followed his policy of spreading brotherhood, which earned him the utmost respect.

 

Mashriqi’s teachings of bringing together all people, regardless of religion, class, color, or creed are relevant even today. This spirit of inclusiveness needs to be instilled from the early school days to defeat the divisiveness that exists around the world. Ultimately, people should not support leaders who seek to divide them or try to foment communalism in order to gain or maintain their power, and instead support those who work tirelessly to bring them together.

 

Nasim Yousaf is a historian and scholar and a grandson of Allama Mashriqi; his works have been published in renowned peer-reviewed publications and he has presented papers at well-known academic conferences in the US.

 

Copyright © 2020 Nasim Yousaf

archive.org/details/allama-mashriqi-the-1943-bengal-famine

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1. Madras Courier (India), May 26, 2020

2. Asian World (United Kingdom), May 20, 2020

3. Isma Times (India), May 21, 2020

4. The Companion (India), May 21, 2020

5. Tribune International (Australia), May 22, 2020

6. Muslim Mirror (India), May 20, 2020

7. Pakistan Christian Post, May 20, 2020

8. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

9. InkPoint Media (India), May 20, 2020

10. Newage Islam (India), May 20, 2020

11. Global News Pakistan, June 06, 2020

12. Brisbane Indian Times, June 2020

www.facebook.com/AllamaMashriqiAndBengalFamine

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Classic example of moodswings - 1

My younger son - Ayaan

Reverse glass technic. 55mm with a reverse 50mm.

Most of them come from Aligarh or Badayun Sharif , young boys with nimble hands accompanied by their old senior Gurus ..with a foldable stool they sit outside Moti Katla the abode of the Hijras of Ajmer .

 

And they are a great relief for tired legs feet , aching bones , in my case as I walk barefeet , my hijra friends suggested I take a feet and head massage ,,most of them treat me with a lot of respect and earlier they thought I was a pesky photographer but now ever since I became a Malang their attitude change , and now they dont curse and abuse me as they do to other photographers .

 

And I have been shooting them for a considerable time now .

 

Well where there are Hijras the malishwalas are not very far , they come here make good money as the dancing and the hectic life of the hijras demands holistic relief.

 

Than there are the Bhais from Mumbai , after the chillum shots they too make use of the services of the Malishwalas ..who work from night till the wee hours in the morning in the tiny dark lamp lit backlanes of Ajmer Sharif.

 

The Malishwalas , the herbal desi Viagra sellers , the dhapliwalas all part of Dargah and Urus culture of Ajmer Sharif.

 

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