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Deputy Secretary of State Wendy Sherman participates in the State of the Administration series from the U.S. Department of State in Washington, D.C., on March 16, 2022. [State Department Photo by Ron Przysucha/ Public Domain]
View of the new temporary modular offices which will help modernize the Administration Building to improve services for visitors at Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, Virginia, April 1, 2019 (U.S. Army photo by Elizabeth Fraser / Arlington National Cemetery / released)
100 Days Of The Justice Administration
4/27/2017
On Inauguration Day, Governor Justice shared his vision for transforming West Virginia, and after 100 days, the Governor and his team have taken steps to bring greatness to our state.
The Governor’s primary focus continues to be passing a budget that will put West Virginia on a pathway to prosperity. Governor Justice took office and inherited a $500 million budget deficit. He put forward a plan to create 48,000 jobs and fill the budget hole with as little pain as possible. Public polling shows that a super majority — 74% — of West Virginians support the Governor’s Save Our State (S.O.S) Plan.
It’s a choice between the Governor’s plan for prosperity and NO plan from the other side.
When Republicans in the Legislature sent up a budget that had no plan to create jobs, cut public education, cut our state’s most vulnerable citizens, cut public safety, and took $90 million from the Rainy Day fund… Governor Justice vetoed it.
The Governor is committed to passing a responsible budget that won’t cripple West Virginia, and will bring new jobs to the Mountain State.
Since his inauguration, the Governor has stayed focused on creating and saving West Virginia jobs. In his inauguration speech, Governor Justice outlined his plans to improve our schools, explode tourism, fix our roads, support our veterans, root out waste in government, and combat the drug epidemic. In the first 100 days, Governor Justice has made significant progress in all of those areas, but the work is only beginning.
Here are just some of highlights of the first 100 days of the Justice Administration.
Job Creation
Saved 1,700 jobs connected to greyhound racing.
Protected 1,500 jobs at Ohio Valley Medical Center.
28 small businesses were created in WV in the first 100 days.
Bidell Gas Compression brought 131 jobs to the Northern Panhandle.
WVDEP issued the 401 Certification for EQT’s Mountain Valley Pipeline, a 303-mile natural gas pipeline that runs through West Virginia to Virginia and will create 4,500 jobs.
H.T. Hackney Company brought 70 warehouse jobs to Milton.
Recalled 12 state foresters who were laid off last year.
Proposed the establishment of the Save Our State Fund, money to market our state and invest in infrastructure to lure companies to West Virginia and spur economic development. This proposal was blocked in the Legislature, but the Governor is trying to insert it into the final budget.
Public Schools
Ended the A to F grading system of public schools.
Appointed reformers to the State Board of Education that will listen to educators.
Eliminated unnecessary bureaucracy by getting rid of RESAs and OEPA, saving taxpayers $5 million.
Signed legislation to provide more school calendar flexibility for local school districts.
The Governor’s plan to give classroom teachers a 2% pay raise was killed by the legislature. He is not giving up on giving teachers a raise.
Broadband
Signed legislation to expand broadband access in West Virginia.
Roads
Road bond resolution passed and now the voters can give it approval.
Passed legislation to increase financing (GARVEE Bonds) for immediate road construction in the amount of $500 million.
Signed bills to extend Design Build and Public Private Partnership (P3) procurement methods to modernize and increase efficiencies in the processes by which roads are designed and constructed.
Fighting The Drug Epidemic
Championed legislation to stiffen penalties on out-of-state drug dealers.
Signed the Second Chance Employment Act to give people on the right path a shot at reentering the workforce.
Created the Office of Drug Control Policy.
DHHR distributed 6,359 Naloxone Rescue kits statewide to non-EMS first responders.
The Governor proposed a 5% successful bidders fee on all road projects to fund the creation of drug treatment centers, this idea was opposed by the Legislature. Governor Justice has made it clear that this is critical to beating back the drug epidemic.
Signed legislation to assist in building drug treatment beds throughout the state with money from past and future pill-mill settlements.
Medical Cannabis
Signed bipartisan medical cannabis legislation into law. It allows seriously ill West Virginians to use and access medical cannabis for treatment.
Higher Education
Passed legislation to give greater freedom and flexibility to West Virginia University, Marshall University, the West Virginia School of Osteopathic Medicine, and other four-year colleges and universities.
The Governor vetoed the Republican budget which made major cuts to WVU, Marshall and all other colleges and universities and community and technical colleges.
Saved the Osteopathic School from privatization ensuring that they will continue to produce quality doctors for rural West Virginia.
Tourism
Signed legislation to restructure and streamline the state Division of Tourism.
Passed legislation to give the Division of Tourism more flexibility to promote West Virginia and facilitate economic development in the industry.
Passed legislation that replaces outdated MAPP program with modern cooperative advertising program that allows for increased cooperation among the state's tourism regions and industry partners.
Economic Development Authority approved $25 million bond for the Cacapon Resort State Park lodge expansion project.
Signed the Amtrak tourism promotion bill. The first step toward bringing 7-day service to WV.
Sunday Hunting on private property is now the law of the land. The estimated economic impact for the state for hunting seven days a week is over $9 million.
The introduction of announced Saturday trout stockings at our state parks to encourage fishing and outdoor recreation.
The Governor’s plan to increase funding for tourism advertising was cut by Republican lawmakers.
Rooting Out Government Waste
Eliminated 334 state vehicles.
Swept agency accounts across state Government and found $60 million to help to close the FY 2017 budget shortfall.
Started freeing up precious public safety funding by consolidating common operations, streamlining functions and ultimately by combining central office headquarters for agencies within the Department of Military Affairs and Public Safety.
Launched an anti-waste initiative that has already developed more than a dozen proposed reforms to the way state government solicits, awards and ensures compliance with state contracts.
Proposed legislation to place a five-day pay cap on lawmakers for a special session. It was rejected by the Republican leadership.
Public Safety
Put in place measures that keep illicit substances out of our prisons and jails.
Vetoed Republican budget that would’ve cut $1 Million from State Police and cut $7.6 Million from Corrections.
The Justice Administration is implementing enhanced mental health and crisis intervention training to reduce violence in WV prisons and jails.
Veterans
Improved the grounds of the Don C. Kinnard veterans cemetery.
Expanded the Department of Veterans Assistance’s suicide-prevention program, Mountain State 22, into five West Virginia communities.
Governor Justice pushed for legislation to exempt 100% of military retirement from the state income tax. It was rejected by the Republicans.
Combating Poverty
Signed legislation to create a pilot project operated by West Side Revive Comprehensive Community Development Initiative. The program is aimed at helping people in the West Side of Charleston rebuild their community and spur economic development.
PictionID:54468714 - Catalog:Atlas 42D 1960 - Title:Array - Filename:Atlas 42D 1960-1.jpg - Images from the Convair/General Dynamics Astronautics Atlas Negative Collection. The processing, cataloging and digitization of these images has been made possible by a generous National Historical Publications and Records grant from the National Archives and Records Administration---Please Tag these images so that the information can be permanently stored with the digital file.---Repository: San Diego Air and Space Museum
Mysore, officially renamed as Mysuru, is the third most populous city in the state of Karnataka, India. Located at the base of the Chamundi Hills about 146 km southwest of the state capital Bangalore, it is spread across an area of 128.42 km2. According to the provisional results of the 2011 national census of India, the population is 887,446. Mysore City Corporation is responsible for the civic administration of the city, which is also the headquarters of the Mysore district and the Mysore division.
Mysore served as the capital city of Kingdom of Mysore for nearly six centuries, from 1399 until 1947. The Kingdom was ruled by the Wodeyar dynasty, except for a brief period in the late 18th century when Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan were in power. Patrons of art and culture, the Wodeyars contributed significantly to the cultural growth of the city. The cultural ambience and achievements of Mysore earned it the sobriquet Cultural capital of Karnataka.
Mysore is noted for its palaces, including the Mysore Palace, and for the festivities that take place during the Dasara festival when the city receives a large number of tourists. It lends its name to the Mysore style of painting, the sweet dish Mysore Pak, the Mysore Peta (a traditional silk turban) and the garment known as the Mysore silk saree. Tourism is the major industry, while information technology has emerged as a major employer alongside the traditional industries. Mysore depends on rail and bus transport for inter-city connections. The city was the location of the first private radio station in India. Mysore houses Mysore University, which has produced several notable authors, particularly in the field of Kannada literature. Cricket is the most popular sport in the city.
ETYMOLOGY
The name Mysore is an anglicised version of Mahishūru, which means the abode of Mahisha in the local Kannada language. Though in Sanskrit Mahisha means buffalo, here Mahisha refers to Mahishasura, a mythological demon who could assume the form of both human and buffalo. According to Hindu mythology, the area was ruled by the demon Mahishasura. The demon was killed by the Goddess Chamundeshwari, whose temple is situated atop the Chamundi Hills. Mahishūru later became Mahisūru (a name which, even now, the royal family uses) and finally came to be called Maisūru, its present name in the Kannada language.
In December 2005, the Government of Karnataka announced its intention to change the English name of the city to Mysuru. This was approved by the Government of India, but as of 2011 the formalities necessary to incorporate the name change were yet to be completed. The central government approved this request in October 2014 and Mysore was renamed (along with other 12 cities) to "Mysuru" on November 1, 2014.
HISTORY
The site where Mysore Palace now stands was occupied by a village named Puragere at the beginning of the 16th century. The Mahishūru Fort was constructed in 1524 by Chamaraja Wodeyar III (1513–1553), who passed on the dominion of Puragere to his son Chamaraja Wodeyar IV (1572–1576). Since the 16th century, the name of Mahishūru has commonly been used to denote the city. The Mysore Kingdom, governed by the Wodeyar family, initially served as a vassal state of the Vijayanagara Empire. With the decline of the Vijayanagara Empire after the Battle of Talikota in 1565, the Mysore Kingdom gradually achieved independence, and by the time of King Narasaraja Wodeyar (1637) it had become a sovereign state. Seringapatam (modern-day Srirangapatna), near Mysore, was the capital of the kingdom from 1610. The 17th century saw a steady expansion of its territory and, under Narasaraja Wodeyar I and Chikka Devaraja Wodeyar, the kingdom annexed large expanses of what is now southern Karnataka and parts of Tamil Nadu, to become a powerful state in the southern Deccan.
The kingdom reached the height of its military power and dominion in the latter half of the 18th century under the de facto rulers Hyder Ali and his son Tipu Sultan. The latter demolished parts of Mysore to remove legacies of the Wodeyar dynasty. During this time, Mysore kingdom came into conflict with the Marathas, the British and the Nizam of Golconda, leading to the four Anglo-Mysore wars, success in the first two of which was followed by defeat in the third and fourth. After Tipu Sultan's death in the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War in 1799, the capital of the kingdom was moved back to Mysore from Seringapatam, and the kingdom was distributed by the British to their allies of the Fourth Mysore war. The landlocked interior of the previous Mysore Kingdom was turned into a princely state under the suzerainty of the British Crown. The former Wodeyar rulers were reinstated as puppet monarchs, now styled Maharajas. The British administration was assisted locally by Diwan (chief minister) Purnaiah. Purnaiah is credited with improving Mysore's public works. Mysore lost its status as the administrative centre of the kingdom in 1831, when the British commissioner moved the capital to Bangalore.:251 It regained that status in 1881 and remained the capital of the Princely State of Mysore within the British Indian Empire until India became independent in 1947.
The Mysore municipality was established in 1888 and the city was divided into eight wards.:283 In 1897 an outbreak of bubonic plague killed nearly half of the population of the city. With the establishment of the City Improvement Trust Board (CITB) in 1903, Mysore became one of the first cities in Asia to undertake planned development of the city. Public demonstrations and meetings were held there during the Quit India movement and other phases of the Indian independence movement.
After Indian independence, Mysore city remained as part of the Mysore State, now known as Karnataka. Jayachamarajendra Wodeyar, then king of Mysore, was allowed to retain his titles and was nominated as the Rajapramukh (appointed governor) of the state. He died in September 1974 and was cremated in Mysore city. Over the years, Mysore became well known as a centre for tourism; the city remained largely peaceful, except for occasional riots related to the Kaveri river water dispute. Among the events that took place in Mysore and made national headlines were a fire at a television studio that claimed 62 lives in 1989, and the sudden deaths of many animals at the Mysore Zoo.
GEOGRAPHY
Mysore is located at 12.30°N 74.65°E and has an average altitude of 770 metres. It is spread across an area of 128.42 km2 at the base of the Chamundi Hills in the southern region of Karnataka. Mysore is the southern-most city of Karnataka, and is a neighbouring city of the states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the south, flanked by the state cities Mercara, Chamarajanagara, and Mandya. People in and around Mysore extensively use Kannada as medium of language. Mysore has several lakes, such as the Kukkarahalli, the Karanji, and the Lingambudhi lakes. In 2001, total land area usage in Mysore city was 39.9% residential, 16.1% roads, 13.74% parks and open spaces, 13.48% industrial, 8.96% public property, 3.02% commercial, 2.27% agriculture and 2.02 water. The city is located between two rivers: the Kaveri River that flows through the north of the city and the Kabini River, a tributary of the Kaveri, that lies to the south.
CLIMATE
Mysore has a tropical savanna climate designated Aw under the Köppen climate classification. The main seasons are summer from March to June, the monsoon season from July to November and winter from December to February. The highest temperature recorded in Mysore was 39.4 °C on 4 April 1914, and the lowest was 7.7 °C on 16 January 2012. The city's average annual rainfall is 804.2 mm.
ADMINISTRATION AND UTILITIES
The civic administration of the city is managed by the Mysore City Corporation, which was established as a municipality in 1888 and converted into a corporation in 1977. Overseeing engineering works, health, sanitation, water supply, administration and taxation, the corporation is headed by a mayor, who is assisted by commissioners and council members. The city is divided into 65 wards and the council members (also known as corporators) are elected by the citizens of Mysore every five years. The council members in turn elect the mayor. The annual budget of the Corporation for the year 2011–2012 was ₹426.96 crore (US$63.45 million). Among 63 cities covered under the Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission, Mysore City Corporation was adjudged the second best city municipal corporation and was given the "Nagara Ratna" award in 2011.
Urban growth and expansion is managed by the Mysore Urban Development Authority (MUDA), which is headed by a commissioner. Its activities include developing new layouts and roads, town planning and land acquisition. One of the major projects undertaken by MUDA is the creation of an Outer Ring Road to ease traffic congestion. Citizens of Mysore have criticised MUDA for its inability to prevent land mafias and ensure lawful distribution of housing lands among city residents. The Chamundeshwari Electricity Supply Corporation is responsible for electric supply to the city.
Drinking water for Mysore is sourced from the Kaveri and Kabini rivers. The city got its first piped water supply when the Belagola project was commissioned in 1896. As of 2011, Mysore gets 42.5 million gallons water per day. Mysore sometimes faces water crises, mainly during the summer months (March–June) and in years of low rainfall. The city has had an underground drainage system since 1904. The entire sewage from the city drains into four valleys: Kesare, Malalavadi, Dalavai and Belavatha. In an exercise carried out by the Urban Development Ministry under the national urban sanitation policy, Mysore was rated the second cleanest city in India in 2010 and the cleanest in Karnataka.
The citizens of Mysore elect four representatives to the Legislative assembly of Karnataka through the constituencies of Chamaraja, Krishnaraja, Narasimharaja and Chamundeshwari. Mysore city, being part of the larger Mysore Lok Sabha constituency, also elects one member to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament. The politics in the city is dominated by three political parties: the Indian National Congress (INC), the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the Janata Dal (Secular) (JDS).
DEMOGRAPHICS
According to the provisional results of the 2011 census of India, Mysore had a population of 887,446, consisting of 443,813 males and 443,633 females, making it the third most populous city in Karnataka. The gender ratio of the city is 1000 females to every 1000 males and the population density is 6,910.5 per square kilometre. According to the census of 2001, 76.8% of thepopulatiion are Hindus, 19% are Muslims, 2.8% are Christians, and the remainder belong to other religions. The population exceeded 100,000 in the census of 1931 and grew by 20.5 per cent in the decade 1991–2001. As of 2011, the literacy rate of the city is 86.84 per cent, which is higher than the state's average of 75.6 per cent. Kannada is the most widely spoken language in the city. Approximately 19% of the population live below the poverty line, and 9% live in slums. According to the 2001 census, 35.75% of the population in the urban areas of Karnataka are workers, but only 33.3% of the population of Mysore are. Members of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled tribes constitute 15.1% of the population. According to the National Crime Records Bureau of India, the number of cognisable crime incidents reported in Mysore during 2010 was 3,407 (second in the state, after Bangalore's 32,188), increasing from 3,183 incidents reported in 2009.
The residents of the city are known as Mysoreans in English and Mysoorinavaru in Kannada. The dispute between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu over the sharing of Kaveri river water often leads to minor altercations and demonstrations in the city. Growth in the information technology industry in Mysore has led to a change in the city's demographic profile; likely strains on the infrastructure and haphazard growth of the city resulting from the demographic change have been a cause of concern for some of its citizens.
ECONOMY
Tourism is the major industry in Mysore. The city attracted about 3.15 million tourists in 2010. Mysore has traditionally been home to industries such as weaving, sandalwood carving, bronze work and the production of lime and salt. The planned industrial growth of the city and the state was first envisaged at the Mysore economic conference in 1911. This led to the establishment of industries such as the Mysore Sandalwood Oil Factory in 1917 and the Sri Krishnarajendra Mills in 1920.
For the industrial development of the city, the Karnataka Industrial Areas Development Board (KIADB) has established four industrial areas in and around Mysore, in the Belagola, Belawadi, Hebbal and Hootagalli areas. One of the major industrial in the proximity of Mysore is Nanjangud which will be Satellite town to Mysore. Nanjangud industrial area hosts a number of Big industries like Reid and Taylor, Jubiliant, TVS, Asian Paints. Nanjangud Industrial area also boasts being 2nd highest VAT / Sales Tax payer which is about 400+ crores after Peenya which is in state capital Bangalore.
Mysore also hosts many central government organisations like CFTRI, DFRL, CIPET, RPM ( Rare Material Project ), RBI Note printing Press and RBI Paper Printing Press.
The growth of the information technology industry in the first decade of the 21st century has resulted in the city emerging as the second largest software exporter in Karnataka, next to Bangalore. The city contributed Rs. 1363 crore (US$275 million) to Karnataka's IT exports.
Mysore is slowly becoming a consumer city with a very big outside population working with the industries and IT hubs.[citation needed] New housing layouts are appearing every month and the number of supermarkets and other shopping facilities is increasing very fast.
EDUCATION
Before the advent of the European system of education in Mysore, agraharas (Brahmin quarters) provided Vedic education to Hindus, and madrassas provided schooling for Muslims. Modern education began in Mysore when a free English school was established in 1833. Maharaja College was founded in 1864. A high school exclusively for girls was established in 1881 and later converted into the Maharani's Women's College. The Industrial School, the first institute for technical education in the city, was established in 1892; this was followed by the Chamarajendra Technical Institute in 1913. While the modern system of education was making inroads, colleges such as the Mysore Sanskrit college, established in 1876, continued to provide Vedic education. Vivekananda Institute, Mysore is an international organisation giving training to Indians and foreigners in development management.
The education system was enhanced by the establishment of the University of Mysore in 1916, making it the first outside the British administration in India. Other important institutes are CFTRI, MYRA School of Business (founded in 2011) and Mysore Medical College.
CULTURE
Referred to as the cultural capital of South Karnataka, Mysore is well known for the festivities that take place during the period of Dasara, the state festival of Karnataka. The Dasara festivities, which are celebrated over a ten-day period, were first introduced by King Raja Wodeyar I in 1610. On the ninth day of Dasara, called Mahanavami, the royal sword is worshipped and is taken on a procession of decorated elephants, camels and horses. On the tenth day, called Vijayadashami, the traditional Dasara procession (locally known as Jumboo Savari) is held on the streets of Mysore which usually falls in the month of September or October.. the Idol of the Goddess Chamundeshwari is placed on a golden mantapa on the back of a decorated elephant and taken on a procession, accompanied by tabla, dance groups, music bands, decorated elephants, horses and camels. The procession starts from the Mysore Palace and culminates at a place called Bannimantapa, where the banni tree (Prosopis spicigera) is worshipped. The Dasara festivities culminate on the night of Vijayadashami with a torchlight parade, known locally as Panjina Kavayatthu.
Mysore is called the City of Palaces because of several ornate examples in the city. Among the most notable are Amba Vilas, popularly known as Mysore Palace; Jaganmohana Palace, which also serves as an art gallery; Rajendra Vilas, also known as the summer palace; Lalitha Mahal, which has been converted into a hotel; and Jayalakshmi Vilas. The main palace of Mysore was burned down in 1897, and the present-day structure was built on the same site. Amba Vilas palace exhibits an Indo-Saracenic style of architecture on the outside, but a distinctly Hoysala style in the interior. Even though the Government of Karnataka maintains the Mysore palace, a small portion has been allocated for the erstwhile Royal family to live in. The Jayalakshmi Vilas Mansion was constructed by Sri Chamaraja Wodeyar for his daughter Jayalakshammanni. It is now a museum dedicated to folk culture and artefacts of the royal family.
The Mysore painting style is an offshoot of the Vijayanagar school of painting, and King Raja Wodeyar (1578–1617 CE) is credited with having been its patron. The distinctive feature of these paintings is the gesso work, to which gold foil is applied. Mysore is known for rosewood inlay work; around 4,000 craftsmen were estimated to be involved in this art in 2002. The city lends its name to the Mysore silk saree, a women's garment made with pure silk and gold zari (thread). Mysore Peta, the traditional indigenous turban worn by the erstwhile rulers of Mysore, is worn by men in some traditional ceremonies. A notable local dessert that traces its history to the kitchen in the Mysore palace is Mysore pak.
Mysore is the location of the International Ganjifa Research Centre, which researches the ancient card game Ganjifa and the art associated with it. The Chamarajendra Academy of Visual Arts (CAVA) offers education in visual art forms such as painting, graphics, sculpture, applied art, photography, photojournalism and art history. The Rangayana repertory company performs plays and offers certificate courses in subjects related to theatre. Kannada writers Kuvempu, Gopalakrishna Adiga and U. R. Ananthamurthy were educated in Mysore and served as professors at the Mysore University. R. K. Narayan, a popular English-language novelist and creator of the fictional town of Malgudi, and his cartoonist brother R. K. Laxman spent much of their life in Mysore.
TRANSPORT
ROAD
Mysore is connected by National Highway NH-212 to the state border town of Gundlupet, where the road forks into the states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu. State Highway 17, which connects Mysore to Bangalore, was upgraded to a four-lane highway in 2006, reducing travel time between the two cities. A project was planned in 1994 to construct a new expressway to connect Bangalore and Mysore. After numerous legal hurdles, it remains unfinished as of 2012. State Highways 33 and 88 which connect Mysore to H D Kote and Madikeri respectively. The Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation (KSRTC) and other private agencies operate buses both within the city and between cities. A new division of KSRTC called Mysore City Transport Corporation (MCTC) has been proposed. Within the city, buses are cheap and popular means of transport, auto-rickshaws are also available and tongas (horse-drawn carriages) are popular with tourists. Mysore also has a 42.5-kilometre long ring road that is being upgraded to six lanes by the MUDA.
RAIL
Mysore railway station has three lines, connecting it to Bangalore, Hassan and Chamarajanagar. The first railway line established in the city was the Bangalore–Mysore Junction metre gauge line, which was commissioned in 1882. All railway lines that serve the city are single track at some points and the rest of the stretch is double track, impeding faster connections to the city. All trains that connect to Mysore are operated by South Western Railway Zone, Hubli of Indian Railways. The fastest train to serve the city is the Shatabdi Express.
AIR
Following three decades of dormancy, Mysore Airport was modernised in the mid-2000s, reopening to scheduled passenger service in October 2010. However, airlines have had difficulty maintaining service to the airport. As of August 2016, the airport is without commercial service.
MEDIA
Newspaper publishing in Mysore started in 1859 when Bhashyam Bhashyacharya began publishing a weekly newspaper in Kannada called the Mysooru Vrittanta Bodhini, the first of a number of weekly newspapers published in the following three decades. A well-known Mysore publisher during Wodeyar rule was M. Venkatakrishnaiah, known as the father of Kannada journalism, who started several news magazines. Many local newspapers are published in Mysore and carry news mostly related to the city and its surroundings, and national and regional dailies in English and Kannada are available, as in the other parts of the state. Sudharma, the only Indian daily newspaper in Sanskrit, is published in Mysore.
Mysore was the location of the first private radio broadcasting station in India when Akashavani (voice from the sky) was established in the city on 10 September 1935 by M.V. Gopalaswamy, a professor of psychology, at his house in the Vontikoppal area of Mysore, using a 50-watt transmitter. The station was taken over by the princely state of Mysore in 1941 and was moved to Bangalore in 1955. In 1957, Akashvani was chosen as the official name of All India Radio (AIR), the radio broadcaster of the Government of India. The AIR station at Mysore broadcasts an FM radio channel at 100.6 MHz, and Gyan Vani broadcasts on 105.2. BIG FM and Red FM are the two private FM channels operating in the city.
Mysore started receiving television broadcasts in the early 1980s, when Doordarshan (public service broadcaster of the Indian government) started broadcasting its national channel all over India. This was the only channel available to Mysoreans until Star TV started satellite channels in 1991. Direct-to-home channels are now available in Mysore.
SPORTS
The Wodeyar kings of Mysore were patrons of games and sports. King Krishnaraja Wodeyar III had a passion for indoor games. He invented new board games and popularised the ganjifa card game. Malla-yuddha (traditional wrestling) has a history in Mysore dating back to the 16th century. The wrestling competition held in Mysore during the Dasara celebrations attracts wrestlers from all over India. An annual sports meeting is organised there during the Dasara season too.
In 1997 Mysore and Bangalore co-hosted the city's biggest sports event ever, the National Games of India. Mysore was the venue for six sports: archery, gymnastics, equestrianism, handball, table tennis and wrestling. Cricket is by far the most popular sport in Mysore. The city has four established cricket grounds, but is yet to host an international cricket match. Javagal Srinath, who represented India for several years as its frontline fast bowler, comes from Mysore. Other prominent sportsmen from the city are Prahlad Srinath, who has represented India in Davis Cup tennis tournaments; Reeth Abraham, a national champion in the heptathlon and a long jump record holder; Sagar Kashyap, the youngest Indian to officiate at the Wimbledon Championships; and Rahul Ganapathy, a national amateur golf champion. The Mysore race course hosts a racing season each year from August through October. India's first youth hostel was formed in the Maharaja's College Hostel in 1949.
TOURISM
Mysore is a major tourist destination in its own right and serves as a base for other tourist attractions in the vicinity. The city receives large number of tourists during the 10-day Dasara festival. One of the most visited monuments in India, the Amba Vilas Palace, or Mysore Palace, is the centre of the Dasara festivities. The Jaganmohana Palace, The Sand Sculpture Museum the Jayalakshmi Vilas and the Lalitha Mahal are other palaces in the city. Chamundeshwari Temple, atop the Chamundi Hills, and St. Philomena's Church, Wesley's Cathedral are notable religious places in Mysore.
The Mysore Zoo, established in 1892, the Karanji and Kukkarahalli lakes are popular recreational destinations. Mysore has the Regional Museum of Natural History, the Folk Lore Museum, the Railway Museum and the Oriental Research Institute. The city is a centre for yoga-related health tourism that attracts domestic and foreign visitors, particularly those who, for years, came to study with the late ashtanga yoga guru K. Pattabhi Jois.
A short distance from Mysore city is the Krishnarajasagar Dam and the adjoining Brindavan Gardens, where a musical fountain show is held every evening. Places of historic importance close to Mysore are Srirangapatna, Somanathapura and Talakad. B R Hills, Himavad Gopalaswamy Betta hill and the hill stations of Ooty, Sultan Bathery and Madikeri are close to Mysore. Popular destinations for wildlife enthusiasts near Mysore include the Nagarhole National Park, the wildlife sanctuaries at Melkote and B R Hills and the bird sanctuaries at Ranganathittu and Kokrebellur. Bandipur National Park and Mudumalai National Park, which are sanctuaries for gaur, chital, elephants, tigers, Indian leopards and other threatened species, lie between 64 and 97 km to the south. Other tourist spots near Mysore include the religious locations of Nanjanagud and Bylakuppe and the waterfalls at Shivanasamudra.
SISTER CITIES
Mysore is currently twinned with Cincinnati.
WIKIPEDIA
Collins, Marjory,, 1912-1985,, photographer.
Washington, D.C. Members of the military unit at the Armstrong Technical High School studying a map
1942 Mar.
1 negative : nitrate ; 2 1/4 x 2 1/4 inches or smaller.
Notes:
Title and other information from caption card.
Transfer; United States. Office of War Information. Overseas Picture Division. Washington Division; 1944.
Subjects:
United States--District of Columbia--Washington (D.C.)
Format: Nitrate negatives.
Rights Info: No known restrictions. For information, see U.S. Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Black & White Photographs www.loc.gov/rr/print/res/071_fsab.html
Repository: Library of Congress, Prints and Photographs Division, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA, hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print
Part Of: Farm Security Administration - Office of War Information photograph collection (Library of Congress) (DLC) 2002708960
More information about the FSA/OWI Collection is available at hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.fsaowi
Higher resolution image is available (Persistent URL): hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/fsa.8d20386
Call Number: LC-USW3- 000974-E
The Wistarion, p. 6, 1985, Archives & Special Collections, Hunter College Libraries, Hunter College of the City University of New York, New York City.
For more information:
Creator(s): General Services Administration. National Archives and Records Service. Office of Educational Programs. Education Division. ?-4/1/1985
Series: Historic Photograph File of National Archives Events and Personnel, 1935 - 1975
Record Group 64: Records of the National Archives and Records Administration, 1789 - ca. 2007
Production Date: 1935 - 1975
Access Restriction(s): Unrestricted
Use Restriction(s): Unrestricted
Scope and Content: This is a photograph of the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library exhibit hall.
Contact(s): National Archives at College Park - Still Pictures (RDSS)
National Archives at College Park
8601 Adelphi Road
College Park, MD 20740-6001
Phone: 301-837-0561
Fax: 301-837-3621
Email: stillpix@nara.gov
National Archives Identifier: 23855863
Local Identifier: 64-NA-3765
Persistent URL: catalog.archives.gov/id/23855863
Westclox Administration Building in the Westclox Manufacturing Plant Historic District, Peru, IL (originally c. 1885, major expansion c. 1920). Westclox was founded as the United Clock Company in 1885 by Charles Stahlberg. Stalberg and other founders came to Peru from Waterbury, Connecticut. Stahlberg had identified a technological innovation for watches and wanted to start his own brand to take advantage of it. However, shortly after its founding, the company went bankrupt. In 1887, it was reorganized as the Western Clock Company. It again went bankrupt, and was purchased by F. W. Matthiessen in 1888 as the Western Clock Manufacturing Company. The company finally hit its stride, and in 1908, it patented its most famous clock--the Big Ben. The design fused the case with the alarm bell, allowing faster manufacture. It was the first alarm clock sold nationally. The company's name was shortened back to the Western Clock Company in 1912. "Westclox" began appearing on the backs of alarm clocks in 1910, and became a popular nickname for the company. In 1916, the company officially adopted the name. The company was incorporated in 1912, and in 1931, it merged with the Seth Thomas Clock Company. The consolidated companies became a division of the General Time Corporation. Shortly before World War II, the company introduced a portable version of the alarm clock. During the war, they made aviation instrumentation and compasses for the Army. From 1942 to 1945, Westclox exclusively produced for the war effort. In 1959, they introduced the first electric alarm clock which was also the first to include a "snooze" function. Quartz movements were introduced in 1972. Operations ceased at the plant in 1980. Salton, Inc. acquired the rights to the name during a bankruptcy organization in 2001. The name was sold to NYL Holdings in 2007.
A fire broke out at this factory on January 1, 2012, destroying over 25% of the factory. Two teenagers were charged with aggravated arson.
Administration / Nurse's Home #1 (1930) more about the Nurse's Residences. Read the 2013 Building Condition Assessment Report for the Administration building.
Fotografía: Autor desconocido / Wikimedia Commons / National Archives and Records Administration.
1 de diciembre de 1945.
El general alemán Anton Dostler es atado a una estaca para su ejecución por un pelotón de fusilamiento, tras ser condenado y sentenciado a muerte por un tribunal militar estadounidense en Aversa, Italia. Fue responsable de capturar y ejecutar un comando de 15 militares estadounidenses el 26 de marzo de 1944 en Italia.
Anton Dostler (Múnich, Alemania; 10 de mayo de 1891 - Aversa, Campania, Italia; 1 de diciembre de 1945) fue un general de Infantería alemán de la Wehrmacht durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial.
December 1, 1945.
German General Anton Dostler is tied to a stake for execution by firing squad after being convicted and sentenced to death by a U.S. military tribunal in Aversa, Italy. He was responsible for the capture and execution of a command of 15 U.S. soldiers in Italy on March 26, 1944.
Anton Dostler (Munich, Germany; May 10, 1891 - Aversa, Campania, Italy; December 1, 1945) was a German infantry general in the Wehrmacht during World War II.
© Restauración y coloreado: Jaime Gea Ortigas.
Bei den Deutschen Meisterschaften in der Disziplin „IT Network Systems Administration“ traten 12 Fachkräfte gegeneinander an. Der Wettkampf wurde vom 9. bis 13. Mai 2022 im ECKD Event- und Tagungszentrum in Kassel gemeinsam mit dem IT-Netzwerk e.V. ausgerichtet. Die Fachkräfte realisierten unter Zeitdruck komplexe IT-Netzwerke, wie sie heute in vielen Unternehmen zu finden sind. Hierbei orientierten sich die Inhalte der Aufgaben an internationalen Wettbewerben. So mussten die Teilnehmende ihr Fachwissen in den Bereichen der Netzwerktechnik (Cisco Routing und Switching), Microsoft Windows Infrastructure und OpenSource Infrastructure (Linux) unter Beweis stellen.
Die Teilnehmenden mussten auch Präsentationen auf englisch halten und zum Teambuilding gab es ein gemeinsames Kochen.
Fotos: WorldSkills Germany sowie Almut Leykauff-Bothe
How to set up web-based database management system with Adminer
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A new administration building of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia: in short, SPRM)
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Caption:
Western Pine Beetle Infestation at Bass Lake - Sierra National Forest
Red and sorrel trees are ponderosa pines killed by barkbeetle epidemic during 1930-1932. Loss of these trees will reduce forest cover on recreational areas such as the above.
Photo by: J.M. Miller
Date: None recorded
Photo and caption from page 8 of a hand-colored photo album called BarkBeetle Enemies of California Forests. Prepared by the USDA Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine in cooperation with the State Emergency Relief Administration - Project 3F-2-302 and the Emergency Educational Program. Berkeley, California. February, 1935.
Credit: USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection.
Collection: Forest Health Protection digital file collection; Region 6 Regional Office, Portland, Oregon.
Wickman's account of these photo albums:
"The drought-related stress to trees on million of acres of
ponderosa pine forests in the inland West caused dramatic
levels of tree mortality that could not be ignored by politicians. Miller, Keen, and Patterson also played a clever propaganda game to procure appropriations to increase the research efforts on the western pine beetle. During the depression, government agencies provided some level of support for artists, cartographers, and draftsmen as a “make work” program. These artisans were eagerly employed by Miller at bargain prices to produce hand-colored photo albums showing the extent of the tree mortality caused by bark beetles, what was being done, and what was needed in the form of research programs to curb this wasteful tree loss. Miller got the message across by supplying these albums to trade associations, chambers of commerce, politicians, and universities."
From: Wickman, Boyd E. 2005. Harry E. Burke and John M. Miller, pioneers in Western forest entomology. Gen. Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-638. Portland, OR: USDA, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. p. 126.
www.fs.fed.us/pnw/publications/pnw_gtr638/
For additional historical forest entomology photos, stories, and resources see the Western Forest Insect Work Conference site: wfiwc.org/content/history-and-resources
Image provided by USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection: www.fs.usda.gov/main/r6/forest-grasslandhealth
+++ DISCLAIMER +++
Nothing you see here is real, even though the model, the conversion or the presented background story might be based on historical facts. BEWARE!
Some background:
The Royal Ceylon Air Force (RCyAF) was formed on 2 March 1951 with RAF officers and other personnel seconded to the RCyAF. Ceylonese were recruited to the new RCyAF and several Ceylonese who had served with the RAF during WWII were absorbed in the force. Initial objective was to train local pilots and ground crew, early administration and training was carried out by exclusively by RAF officers and other personnel on secondment. The first aircraft of the RCyAF were de Havilland Canada DHC-1 Chipmunks used as basic trainers to train the first batches of pilots locally while several cadets were sent to Royal Air Force College Cranwell. These were followed by Boulton Paul Balliol T.Mk.2s and Airspeed Oxford Mk.1s for advanced training of pilots and aircrew along with de Havilland Doves and de Havilland Herons for transport use, all provided by the British. By 1955 the RCyAF was operating two flying squadrons based at RAF Negombo. The first helicopter type to be added to the service was the Westland Dragonfly.
Following Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike's negotiated the closure of British air and naval bases in Ceylon in 1956, the RCyAF took over the former RAF stations; Katunayake and China Bay, becoming RCyAF operational stations while ancillary functions were carried out at Diyatalawa and Ekala. The RAF headquarters, Air HQ Ceylon, was disbanded on 1 November 1957. However, RAF officers remained with the RCyAF till 1962.
In 1959 de Havilland Vampire jet aircraft were acquired, five fighter bombers and five trainers. The Vampire was developed and manufactured by the de Havilland Aircraft Company and its development as an experimental aircraft began in 1941 during the Second World War, to exploit the revolutionary innovation of jet propulsion. From the company's design studies, it was decided to use a single-engine, twin-boom aircraft, powered by the Halford H.1 turbojet (later produced as the Goblin). Aside from its propulsion system and twin-boom configuration, it was a relatively conventional aircraft. In May 1944 it was decided to produce the aircraft as an interceptor for the Royal Air Force (RAF), but it came too late for operati9onal use in the war. It was eventually the second jet fighter to be operated by the RAF, after the Gloster Meteor, and the first to be powered by a single jet engine. In 1946 the Vampire entered operational service with the RAF, only months after the war had ended.
The Vampire quickly proved to be effective and was adopted as a replacement of wartime piston-engined fighter aircraft. During its early service it accomplished several aviation firsts and achieved various records, such as being the first jet aircraft to cross the Atlantic Ocean. The Vampire remained in front-line RAF service until 1953 when its transfer began to secondary roles such as ground attack and pilot training, for which specialist variants were produced. Many of these aircraft were sold to foreign air forces. The RAF retired the Vampire in 1966 when its final role of advanced trainer was filled by the Folland Gnat. The Royal Navy had also adapted the type as the Sea Vampire, a navalised variant suitable for operations from aircraft carriers. It was the service's first jet fighter.
The Vampire was exported to many nations and was operated worldwide in numerous theatres and climates. Several countries used the type in combat including the Suez Crisis, the Malayan Emergency and the Rhodesian Bush War. By the end of production, almost 3,300 Vampires had been manufactured, a quarter of these having been manufactured under licence abroad.
The Ceylonese Vampires received the official export designation FB.56, but they were in fact refurbished Fairey-built ex-RAF FB.9 fighter bombers, the last single seater fighter bomber variant to be produced. As such, they were tropicalised Goblin-3 powered F.5 fighter-bombers with air conditioning and retrofitted with ejection seats. They had the ability to carry bombs of up to 1.000 lb (454 kg) caliber under each wing, drop tanks or up to eight unguided 3-inch "60 lb" rockets againts ground targets. The trainers were newly-built T.55 export machines with ejection seats.
Following a RCyAF superstition, the machines were allocated tactical codes that the single numerals did not sum up to "13" or a multiple of it, a "tradition" that has been kept up until today. Even more weird: codes that openly sported a "13" were and are used - as long as the whole code number conforms to the cross total rule!
This small fleet formed the 'Jet Squadron' was soon supplemented with five Hunting Jet Provosts obtained from the British, and ten more Vampire FB.56 fighter bombers in 1959. In the 1960s, various other aircraft were procured, most notably American Bell JetRanger helicopters and a Hindustan HUL-26 Pushpak given by India. The force had grown gradually during its early years, reaching a little over 1,000 officers and recruits in the 1960s.
The Vampires' service did not last long, though. The trainers were replaced by the more modern and economic Jet Provosts and mothballed by 1963. In 1968, the Royal Ceylon Air Force started to look out for a more capable multi-role aircraft to replace the Vampire FB.56s and evaluated foreign types like the F-86 Sabre, the Douglas A-4 Skyhawk, the Hawker Hunter and AMD's Mystère IV as well as the SMB.2. The decision fell on the supersonic Super Mystère, which was offered as a bargain from French surplus stock since the fighter was at that time in the process of being gradually replaced by the 3rd generation Mirage III. A total of eight revamped SMB.2s were procured, which conformed to the Armée de l’Air’s standard. The machines arrived in early 1971 and were allocated to the newly established No. 3 Squadron, even though it took some months to make them fully operational, and the Vampires (eleven FB.56s were still operational at that time) soldiered on as a stopgap measure, due to innerpolitical tensions.
These got more and more tense and the Ceylonese Vampires were eventually deployed in a hot conflict in 1971. Together with the Jet Provosts, which had been mothballed since 1970 and quickly revamped, they were used in COIN missions during the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurrection, since the new SMB.2s were not ready yet and deemed too valuable and unsuited to be deployed in guerilla warfare. The JVP insurrection was the first of two unsuccessful armed revolts conducted by the communist JVP against the socialist United Front Government of Ceylon under Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. The revolt began on 5 April 1971, and lasted until June of that year. The insurgents held towns and rural areas for several weeks, until the regions were recaptured by the armed forces, following strong support from friendly nations that sent men and material. Vampires and Jet Provosts flew from RCyAF Chinabay to RCyAF Katunayake, attacking rebel locations en route, and on the 12 April following a bombing run on a target in Polonnaruwa, one Jet Provost lost power and crashed on its approach to RCyAF Chinabay killing its pilot. Several weeks later, the Jet Provosts were joined by the Bell 47-G2 in ground attacks. After three weeks of fighting, the government regained control of all but a few remote areas. In most cases, the government regained control of townships; insurgent groups melted away into the jungle and continued to operate, with some groups operating into early 1972.
With Ceylon becoming a republic in 1972, the Royal Ceylon Air Force changed its name to the Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF), along with all insignia, and the last RCyAF Vampire was retired in summer 1972.
General characteristics:
Crew: 1
Length: 30 ft 9 in (9.37 m)
Wingspan: 38 ft (12 m)
Height: 8 ft 10 in (2.69 m)
Wing area: 262 sq ft (24.3 m²)
Airfoil: root: EC1240/0640 (14%); tip: EC1240/0640 (9%)
Empty weight: 7,283 lb (3,304 kg)
Max takeoff weight: 12,390 lb (5,620 kg)
Powerplant:
1× de Havilland Goblin 3 centrifugal-flow turbojet engine, 3,350 lbf (14.9 kN) thrust
Performance:
Maximum speed: 548 mph (882 km/h, 476 kn)
Range: 1,220 mi (1,960 km, 1,060 nmi)
Service ceiling: 42,800 ft (13,000 m)
Rate of climb: 4,800 ft/min (24 m/s)
Wing loading: 39.4 lb/sq ft (192 kg/m²)
Armament:
4× 20 mm (0.79 in) Hispano Mk.V cannon with 600 rounds total (150 rounds per gun)
8× 3-inch "60 lb" rockets or 2× 1.000 lb (454 kg) bombs or two drop-tanks
The kit and its assembly:
A subtle what-if model, and despite the xotic markings the CeyloneseVampire is closer to reality than one might think. In fact, Ceylon actually received Vampire fighter bombers and trainer from the RAF when the country became independent and the RCyAF was founded, but they were never put into service. So, this whif depicts what might have been, and the type's use until the early Seventies is purely fictional.
The kit is the venerable Heller Vampire FB.5, which has been released under various brand labels (including Airfix and Revell) through the years. While it is a very simple model kit, the level of detail is not bad. You get a decent cockpit with a nice dashboard, separated canopy sections and even the landing gear wells feature details. You can hardly ask for more, even though the fit is rather mediocre - but this might be blamed on the molds' age. PSR was necessary on almost any major seam, and the fit of the tail booms to their adapters on the wings was really poor - the kit's engineers could have copme up with a better and more stable solution for the tail assembly. Another issue is the cockpit: while it's detailed, everything is much too small and tight - it turned out to be impossible to insert a pilot figure for the flight scenes, even just a torso!
Since I wanted to build a standard export Vampire fighter bomber, the kit was built OOB. I just added a gunsight behind the windscreen, replaced the rather massive pitot on the left fin and added some ordnance for the machine's COIN missions using the JVP insurrection. These comsist of a pair of vintage 500 lb iron bombs (from a Monogram F8F Bearcat) on pylons which probably come from an Academy P-47 Thunderbolt, plus four unguided 60 lb rockets and their launch rails from a Pioneer/Airfix Hawker Sea Fury.
Painting and markings:
Conservative. A real RCyAF Vampire would during the late Sixties probably have been painted overall silver, but I found this rather boring and thought that the role as s strike aircraft would justify camouflage. With its origins in the RAF I gave the Vampire consequently the British standard paint scheme in Dark Green/Dark Sea Grey from above, using Humbrol 163 and 156 (Dark Camouflage Grey BS381C/629, the latter on purpose as a lighter alternative to 164, for more contrast). For a slightly odd look I painted the undersides in RAF Azure Blue (Humbrol 157), what also makes a good contrast to the colorful RCyAF roundels.
The cockpit interior was painted in very dark grey (Anthracite, Revell 09) while the landing gear and the respective wells were painted in Humbrol 56 (Aluminum Dope), a metallic grey.
The kit received a lioght black ink washing and some panel shading, especuially from above to simulate sun-bleached paint - after all, the model depicts an aircraft that would soon be retired.
The roundels come from an Xtradecal aftermarket sheet for Jet Provosts, the fictional serial number was created with 3 and 10mm letters in black from TL Modellbau. A personal addition are the RAF-style white individual aircraft code letters on the fin and the front wheel cover. Due to their size, the fuselage roundels had to be placed under the cockpit, but that does not look bad or out of place at all - early Swedish Vampires used a similar solution. Unfortunately, the kit came without decal sheet, so that other details had to be procured elsewhere - but the decal heap provided ample material. The few stencils and the "No step" warnings were taken from a Model decal Vampire sheet; the ejection seat markings came from an Xtradecal Vampire trainer sheet.
After some light traces with dry-brushed silver on the wings' leading edges the model was eventually sealed with matt acrylic varnish.
Simple but exotic, and like the whiffy Sri Lankan SM2.B I built some time ago a very plausible result. I really like the fact that the model is, despite the camouflage and the subdued colors, quite colorful. outcome a lot. The paint scheme already looks unusual, even though it has been patterned after a real world benchmark. But together with the colorful SLAF markings and some serious weathering, the whole package looks pretty weird but also believable. A classic what-if model! 😉
www.politico.com/news/2022/12/26/china-trade-tech-00072232
‘A sea change’: Biden reverses decades of Chinese trade policy
Forget tariffs. Biden’s actions to crack down on Beijing’s tech development will do more to hinder the Chinese economy — and divide the two nations — than Trump ever did.
After decades of U.S. efforts to engage China with the prospect of greater development through trade, the era of cooperation is coming to a screeching halt.
The White House and Congress are quietly reshaping the American economic relationship with the world’s second-largest economic power, enacting a strategy to limit China’s technological development that breaks with decades of federal policy and represents the most aggressive American action yet to curtail Beijing’s economic and military rise.
The new federal rules, executive orders and pending legislation aimed at China’s high-tech sectors, which began this fall and will continue in 2023, are the culmination of years of debate spanning three administrations. Taken together, they represent an escalation of former President Donald Trump’s tariffs and trade disputes against Beijing that could ultimately do more to slow Chinese technological and economic development — and divide the two economies — than anything the 45th president did while in office.
“You really have seen a sea change in the way that they’re looking at the relationship with China,” said Clete Willems, who helped design China economic policy in the Trump White House as Deputy Assistant to the President for International Economics and Deputy Director of the National Economic Council. “[The Biden] administration views Chinese indigenous innovation as a per se national security threat ... and that is a big leap from where we’ve ever been before.”
The new strategy, which the Biden administration internally calls its “protect agenda,” is being rolled out this fall and winter in a series of executive actions. In October, the Commerce Department issued new rules aimed at cutting off Chinese firms’ ability to manufacture advanced computer chips. They will soon be followed by an executive order creating new federal authority to regulate U.S. investments in China — the first time the federal government will exert such power over American industry – and an executive order to limit the ability of Chinese apps like TikTok to collect data from Americans.
Congress is participating as well, drafting its own, bipartisan versions of Chinese investment screening, potential rules on American capital flows into China, and restrictions on TikTok and other apps that hawks hope can be passed next Congress.
Those initiatives come on the heels of Biden’s “promote” agenda — using the government to promote American competitiveness. That involved the approval of hundreds of billions of dollars of subsidies for domestic manufacturing in the CHIPS for America Act and Inflation Reduction Act last summer, focused on breaking U.S. reliance on China, and new rules against U.S. companies working with Chinese chipmakers.
Taken together, the “protect” and “promote” agendas represent a fundamental rethinking in the American government’s approach to China’s technological advancement and, ultimately, its economic development. While American policymakers were previously content to manage China’s technological growth and make sure it stayed a few generations behind the U.S., security officials now seek to bring Beijing’s development – particularly in chips and computing, but soon in other sectors — closer to a standstill.
(snip)
Sullivan has highlighted biotechnology and clean energy as two industries where the U.S. must not let China take the lead.
“Clean tech, biotechnology — these are sectors that are poised for significant growth,” said a senior administration official, who spoke anonymously to detail administration policies. “But to suggest that we’re going to be controlling all technologies within those sectors is not the case. It will be focused on critical technologies and choke points within sectors.”
Even so, the administration official acknowledged that there might be “broader impacts from the rules” that degrade the competitiveness of large Chinese firms, similar to how the Trump administration undermined Chinese tech giant Huawei. “But we’ve always said,” the official stressed, “that the intention of the controls is focused on national security applications.”
Regardless of their assurances, the new scrutiny on U.S.-China commerce has free traders — now on the sidelines after decades of policymaking dominance — fearful of a gradual slide into a new Cold War stance against China, one where any cooperation between the nations could be assailed as assisting the ruling Communist Party.
“It’s become a second era of McCarthyism — sorry to use that word, but it applies,” said Rep. Stephanie Murphy (D-Fla.), a stalwart free trader leaving Congress at the end of the 2022. “Basically, no politician, Republican or Democrat, can be seen as soft on China, and so that pushes us in the direction of not [discussing] smart policy, but politics.”
Capitalist peace theory
The new initiatives to curtail Chinese tech firms represent a shift from the optimistic stance toward technological development that defined American policy for decades.
Since the end of the Cold War, the U.S. had largely treated development — whether technological or economic — largely as a good in itself. As poor nations absorbed investment from the industrialized world, the argument went, they would “move up the value chain,” developing more sophisticated industries. That would boost incomes, build middle-class citizens, and ultimately lead to democratic reforms and peace between trading partners.
Those assumptions meant that the U.S. was content to let the development of many technologies — even some critical to national security, like semiconductors — move to other nations. If most high-end computer chips ended up being manufactured elsewhere, that was acceptable, or even desirable. Such was the logic of comparative advantage and the capitalist peace theory.
But China’s slide back to authoritarianism threw a wrench into that narrative.
During the second term of the Obama administration, some national security officials at the Pentagon and the National Security Council began to raise concerns about China “weaponizing” its economic development.
It was a “phase change in how the U.S. thinks about China,” Matthew Turpin, who was the NSC’s China Director from 2018 to 2019 after advising the Joint Chiefs of Staff under Obama, told an audience at the American Enterprise Institute this spring.
Since the end of the Cold War, the American approach to China had largely been “peace through trade,” he said, while the intelligence community “played a hedging role” for that strategy.
“It wasn’t until sort of 2014 or 2015 the consensus around that began to weaken,” he said, as the U.S. government “largely began to assess that it didn’t appear that political liberalization was happening [in China], and Beijing was very much developing economically.”
Even worse, the ruling Communist Party, national security officials believed, was developing a strategy to dominate critical industries of the future like rare earth minerals, semiconductors and solar panels. Beijing wasn’t exactly trying to hide it: In 2015, the Communist Party released its “Made in China 2025” strategy: massive state subsidies to 10 critical industrial sectors aimed at making Chinese firms globally dominant, and China’s domestic economy more self-reliant.
Such a strategy — coupled with aggressive lending to developing nations — would make much of the world reliant on Beijing for their economic growth and military development (not to mention the espionage opportunities it offered the Peoples’ Liberation Army). That got alarm bells ringing at the NSC.
Chinese leaders “have been quite clear where they want to be in the coming years in terms of gaining market share in all of the strategic technology sectors that will dominate the future of the world economy,” Liza Tobin, a former China director at the NSC from 2019 to 2021, said at the AEI event.
The first public evidence of the change in strategy came near the end of the Obama administration, when then-Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker gave a speech calling semiconductors “imperative” to the American economy and saying, “we cannot afford to cede our leadership.” The national security veterans say the remarks, delivered only days before the 2016 election, were indicative of a deep reappraisal of China’s development — one later crystallized in a January 2017 report to outgoing President Obama titled “Ensuring Long Term U.S. Leadership in Semiconductors.”
“Going back to maybe around 2015 or 2016, I think there started to be a sea change between Western observers of Chinese technology development,” added Tobin, previously a CIA economic analyst, “[from] kind of dismissing them and saying ‘they can’t really innovate, they’re just copying,’ to starting to wake up to ‘oh, they’re actually starting to achieve some of their ambitions.’”
Bureaucratic struggle
The growing China concerns among national security officials initially ran into pockets of opposition elsewhere in the U.S. government. Officials at Commerce, Treasury and even the State Department were largely bought into the free trade paradigm and were eager to further intertwine the world’s two largest economies, the national security veterans said, especially in emerging sectors like technology.
“The prevailing narrative underpinning policies at the time was that China presented significant export and revenue opportunities for businesses, so U.S. companies needed to be in that market and, consequently, tolerate China’s coercive technology transfer practices to maintain market access,” said Nazak Nikakhtar, former Assistant Secretary for Industry and Analysis at the Department of Commerce from 2018 to 2021.
“That narrative changed,” she added, “when the intelligence community, the White House, the Departments of Defense, Commerce and the U.S. Trade Representative began elevating the discussion through the identification of national security risks and human rights abuses.”
Throughout the end of the Obama administration and through Trump’s term, national security officials struggled to convince their colleagues in other agencies that commercial interests in the Chinese economy should, at least, be tempered by security considerations. While some investment was inevitable, and even beneficial, they argued the government must be more careful about just what the Chinese were getting from all this American money and know-how.
“Economic departments and agencies that for two decades focused on how to help the Chinese economy grow go through a really tough time” as the policy momentum changed, Turpin said, recalling the tension at the time.
“Everything that they had been doing in the relationship-focused in one direction,” he said, “And they’re now being asked to do different things, and it creates friction within the bureaucracy in thinking about how to do that.”
In the Trump administration, the China hawks faced a quandary. While the president was willing to take on Beijing’s military, the former real estate developer was also enticed by the economic opportunity China’s economy presented. His cabinet choices reflected the split, with some China hardliners like Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Deputy National Security Adviser Matt Pottinger facing off against the likes of Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, who was eager to boost commercial ties with China early in the administration.
The result was a split agenda for much of Trump’s term. While the national security state pushed the White House to crack down on Chinese tech firms and intellectual property theft, trade officials pushed Beijing to agree to historic commodity purchases as part of the so-called Phase One trade deal. And, as ever, Trump’s personal battles and rhetoric — like proclaiming trade wars “good” and “easy to win” — muddied the development of a cogent strategy.
The Trump team “spent a lot of time working ad hoc, whack-a-mole, lowest hanging fruit – pick your term – wherever we thought we could make progress,” said Ivan Kanapathy, who was on the NSC staff for China at the time.
One instance where conflict flared between economic and national security agencies was over efforts to ban wireless 5G chips and American software to the Chinese firm Huawei.
The Treasury was “very opposed” to a broad ban on Huawei, said Kanapathy, with the Commerce Department “not big fans either.”
In particular, the decision on whether to block the license for Google’s Android system on Huawei phones caused friction between agencies. National security officials argued that Commerce should prevent Huawei from using Google apps and other American programs — at the time, standard on Huawei phones outside China.
Blocking Google apps from Huawei “was really to go after their direct revenue streams,” said Kanapathy. “And in this, Treasury had a point. We weren’t only going after the threatening part of Huawei’s business. We also went after its overall financial health in an attempt to stop the bad behavior and deter others.”
In the end, though, the Trump White House took the side of the national security officials and banned Google from serving Huawei phones.
“That’s why Huawei phones aren’t sold outside of China anymore,” Kanapahty said. “Nobody wants an Android phone without the Google suite.”
The senior administration official for the Biden administration declined to say whether future actions — whether in semiconductors, biotech or clean energy — will target Chinese firms as aggressively as Trump went after Huawei. But the official noted that the Biden White House has not altered any of those Trump administration policies on Huawei.
“The stated target [with Huawei] was concern about 5G, and as is the case with a lot of export controls, there may be additional impacts when you do that, and you kind of have to accept those,” the Biden official said. “If it was the case that in the past that there was concern about collateral impacts, given the strategic situation, I think the consensus of the administration was that we needed to take these actions, given the new environment and the ways in which these technologies could be used.”
The ad-hoc policy battles continued until the Trump administration’s crystallizing moment: the Covid shock. Combined with Beijing’s repression of protests in Hong Kong, the pandemic’s shortages of masks and protective gear — not to mention internal White House concerns about Beijing’s complicity with Covid’s spread — seemed to confirm many of the concerns the security state had warned about since the Obama years.
The China hawks used that momentum — emphasized further by China’s brutal crackdown on dissent in Hong Kong — to push out a number of last-minute actions to limit China’s technological development before Trump left office, like putting firms like the Chinese National Offshore Oil Company on government blacklists and blocking American investments in a handful of firms affiliated with the Chinese military.
“That wasn’t so much about the technology,” Kanapathy said of the Covid and Hong Kong shocks. “It was more – wow. These guys are serious. They’re really a bunch of autocrats, and they’re really trying to challenge our way of life.”
Completing the pivot
Under Biden, that momentum to crack down on the Chinese economy has only strengthened. With the U.S. drawing down its Middle East involvement, Biden’s national security team could finally complete the “pivot to Asia” conceived during the Obama administration, rallying regional capitalist economies against China while trying to cut off Beijing’s advancement.
For national security staffers like Kanapathy, who stayed through the transition, Biden’s elevation of China hawks like National security adviser Jake Sullivan and his team’s willingness to keep Trump’s tariffs and trade restrictions in place was a “pleasant surprise.”
The policy outlook “really depended on who they brought in,” he said. “Some campaign advisers definitely wanted them to be softer, but I think the intelligence assessments and the pass-down they got [from the departing national security team] helped the hawkish Dems take charge.”
The new agenda was given another shot in the arm by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, with Europe’s energy dependence on the Kremlin standing as a grim warning about China’s place in the global economy. If Putin could hold Europe hostage with its gas supplies, what could China do with its even broader dominance of other critical sectors?
“What we say to the Europeans is: if you think that being reliant on Russia for energy is dangerous, imagine digital dependence on China over the long term, both at the hardware level all the way up to the apps with TikTok and more,” Tobin, now a senior director at the Special Competitive Studies Project, told POLITICO this fall.
The solution, the Biden administration thought, was to pair a new push in American industrial policy with a stepped up campaign to not just compete with China, but contain its growth.
The first element was to initiate new forums to engage allies who felt burnt by Trump’s brash go-it-alone rhetoric, aiming to build an alliance of market-oriented nations that could strike back at Beijing’s economic practices. That was the idea behind the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, the parallel economic discussions with Taiwan, and the Americas Partnership for Economic Prosperity, the administration’s economic initiative for the western hemisphere.
While each of those initiatives has been criticized for not discussing new market opportunities for U.S. firms – a typical trade objective for American administrations — the administration has defended them as a way to re-engage allies who had been insulted by Trump.
With those initiatives rolling, the administration and Democrats turned to “running faster” than the Chinese — outcompeting Beijing with a new industrial policy focused on ending reliance on Chinese firms.
The initiative would be stretched across two legislative packages — what came to be the CHIPS for America Act and the Inflation Reduction Act. The CHIPS bill, in the works since the Trump years, provides tens of billions of dollars in direct subsidies to produce microchips in the United States, aimed at breaking a reliance on foreign nations that fed a shortage of chips throughout 2022.
The other legislation, eventually named the Inflation Reduction Act, was a slimmed-down version of the Build Back Better package Democrats failed to pass the year before. While many of the social spending programs were dropped — like the high-profile Child Tax Credit — the initiative still included a rewrite of the tax code that would reward entire swaths of the clean energy industry for using American-sourced products, from steel to solar cells.
The progressive economists who helped craft the IRA’s tax incentives call them the biggest industrial policy since the New Deal. And they focus on many of the industrial sectors Beijing was already trying to dominate as part of its Made In China 2025 strategy. Combined with the CHIPS Act, the intent was clear — breaking reliance on China’s economy.
With the legislation passed, the administration felt it could begin the third part of Biden’s new China doctrine, the protect agenda: cracking down on China’s technological development.
In early October, the Commerce Department’s Bureau of Industry and Security took the most consequential act to date, issuing two new rules that blocked American firms from shipping high-end microchip manufacturing equipment to China and making it easier to crack down on foreign nations that do not follow suit.
Though they did not block foreign firms from exporting to China, the rules represent the strongest regulation yet of American tech firms outside the U.S. — and a new era of broader, more ambitious export controls.
“This is a transformational change in the theory and philosophy and policy toward export controls,” said Kevin Wolf, a former Assistant Secretary of Commerce for Export Administration at BIS.
Historically, export controls were used to prevent the trade of items that went into weapons of mass destruction and the most harmful conventional military goods, Wolf said. But this new set of controls goes further, targeting microchips that could be used in weapons, the machines used to make them, and the personnel that service the factories. And the rules were also coupled with legislative action – a provision in the CHIPS bill blocked tech firms that receive its subsidies from building advanced chip factories in China for a decade.
“It’s the use of export controls as a strategic tool, as opposed to a tool that is narrowly tied to non-proliferation objectives,” Wolf said.
Escalation plans
The administration has been clear that Washington’s campaign against Chinese development won’t stop at chips and export controls.
In his September speech, Sullivan outlined three broad sectors where the administration would try to stall Chinese development: computing (including chips, quantum computing and artificial intelligence), biotechnology and biomanufacturing, and clean energy tech.
“That is not to say that other technologies initiatives are inconsequential — far from it,” Sullivan said. “But computing-related technologies, biotech, and clean tech are truly ‘force multipliers’ throughout the tech ecosystem, and leadership in each of these is a national security imperative.”
But the White House and congressional leaders will have to find new ways to slow Chinese development in those sectors. While advanced chips typically need at least some American software or machines to produce, making them vulnerable to U.S. export controls, no such Chinese reliance on America exists for clean energy or biotechnologies.
“The nature of the tools that we use to go after biotech to go after clean energy are unlikely to look the same,” Willems said. “Export controls don’t really work for clean energy, because we don’t have the same technological leadership, so us controlling technology to China isn’t going to inhibit their innovation. So, they’re likely to tackle that problem in different ways.”
Workers walking between rows of solar panels.
Solar panels in Yulin, in the northwest of China's Shaanxi Province. Clean energy tech is one of the three broad sectors where the administration will try to stall Chinese development. | Liu Xiao/Xinhua via AP Photo
The upcoming executive order targeting American investment in China could be one way to check American funding and support for Beijing’s most prized industries, Willems and others said. But the scope of that order is still in question, and it remains unclear which sectors will be covered by new investment regulation, and whether the government will stop at foreign direct investment and joint ventures with Chinese firms, or apply rules to broader capital flows into China, like American banks and financial institutions investing in state-run firms.
“What outbound investment screening is intended to do is to say, if you can’t send a certain technology to China, you shouldn’t be funding the development of that very same technology in China,” Willems said. “And so I see a strong parallel between the way that outbound investment mechanism would work and [the chip rule]. They are both aiming at the same objective, which is that the U.S. shouldn’t help Chinese indigenous innovation.”
The plan to limit data collection from Chinese apps like TikTok is even murkier. While national security veterans have warned that Beijing could use personal data from American app users for espionage or influence campaigns, the administration has to balance those concerns with the potential for political blowback if the popular video app is altered or shut down. Such a move would bring the China tech conflict into the everyday lives of millions of Americans, and Trump’s threats to shut the app sparked a fierce backlash directed at the administration and congressional offices.
Outside of executive orders, Biden could also dust off Trump’s tariff playbook to hit Beijing’s most prized firms. Since last year, the administration has considered a plan to alter Trump’s duties by lowering tariffs on some consumer goods like bicycles and increasing them on Beijing’s favored industries like clean tech. That plan has sat idle for months, but some industry officials believe a version of it is still likely to be applied once the U.S. Trade Representative’s ongoing review of Trump’s tariffs concludes next year. The deadline for comments in that probe is Jan. 17, but USTR has given no schedule for its decision after that.
The legislative outlook is equally unclear. Senate sponsors of the outbound investment bill — the National Critical Capabilities Defense Act — have tried unsuccessfully to attach their language to the CHIPS Act and the yearly defense spending bill in years past. Now, the Senate Banking Committee has reopened hearings on the bill with the hopes of finalizing it next session.
That could embolden the China hawks, since Banking Ranking Member Pat Toomey — an ardent opponent of the bill — will be retired by then. But it will also mean contending with the priorities of an incoming Republican House majority, which is expected to be largely receptive to the concept of regulating investments in China, but will want to put its own stamp on the efforts.
“We have an approach that we will present next Congress in clear form on our capital markets and our approach to competition with China,” Rep. Patrick McHenry (R-NC), who is likely to chair the House Financial Services Committee, said on Capitol Hill in November. “There have been great conversations across different committees in this Congress and last about our approach, but we’ll engage in a more fulsome way in the next Congress.”
Some China hawks are concerned about McHenry, who is seen as closer to Wall Street than the outgoing committee Chair Maxine Waters (D-Calif.), and a new Republican majority they fear could weaken investment screening at the behest of American financial firms.
“I worry what the House could do” on Chinese investment screening, Sen. Bob Casey (D-Penn.), a sponsor of the Senate’s outbound investment bill, said on Capitol Hill in November.
Free traders have the opposite concern. As the Biden administration and Congress try to decrease exposure to the Chinese economy, lawmakers like Murphy warn that large American corporations could be at a disadvantage to firms in allied nations — particularly if they don’t follow Washington’s lead.
“If a U.S. company isn’t making as much profit as its competitors are, it’s gonna be really hard for it to … make bigger investments and out-innovate the Chinese,” she said, adding that the government’s push to subsidize chipmakers and other critical firms has perils in itself.
“The industrial policy, as we saw most recently with the CHIPS bill … relies on government to pick winners and losers, and it takes only one Solyndra to cause a real problem with our industrial policy,” she said, referencing the failed solar company that bedeviled the Obama administration’s clean energy efforts. “And so it’s a perilous time, and a perilous strategy that requires everything to go right.”
The decoupling conundrum
Murphy’s concerns point to a deeper question facing Biden and Congress in the new year — just how far to drive an economic wedge between the two economies.
While all agree that the administration has escalated U.S. action against China’s tech sector, there are those who want the moves to go further — and who criticize the administration for not already upping the stakes.
In issuing the chip rules, the Commerce Department let some chip firms in allied nations off the hook. Even though they use software from American firms, making them subject to U.S. export controls, the administration decided not to force firms in the Netherlands and Japan to stop shipping chip-making equipment to China.
The concern, the administration said at the time, was that if Biden included Dutch and Japanese firms in the tech blockade, they would simply program out the American software, continuing to sell chip-making machines to China while depriving U.S. firms of their business.
“We obviously don’t have an interest in controlling technology made by U.S. companies that could be immediately backfilled by foreign competitors,” a senior administration official told reporters when the chip rules were issued, “which would simply see market share loss by U.S. firms and then PRC getting the same capabilities.”
Instead, the Biden administration said it expects allies to follow suit on their own, voluntarily issuing similar export controls that would stop their firms from enabling the Chinese chip-making sector. A deal to do so was close at hand, BIS head Alan Estevez told an industry event in late October, and should be completed by the end of the year.
The European Union and United States flags.
The Europeans say that Biden’s focus on rebuilding American manufacturing — sometimes at Europe’s expense — is making cooperation even harder. | Samuel Corum/Getty Images
But the path to that deal has been rocky, with the Dutch and Japanese making clear that they are not likely simply to follow Washington’s direction on export controls. Adding to the tension: mounting EU anger toward the industrial policies in the Inflation Reduction Act, which benefit American electric vehicle companies over European automakers.
That’s led some China hawks to say that the administration erred by not including the Dutch and Japanese firms in the first place.
“We really brought a knife to a gunfight” with the new BIS export controls, said Nikakhtar, who pushed for a more aggressive approach to China during her time at Commerce. “Why pressure [the foreign governments] when you can make it illegal?”
Even if the Biden administration can reach a chip control deal with its allies, similar issues are likely to arise as the U.S. government moves beyond the semiconductor sectors and seeks to stall or outpace China’s development in other critical sectors like biotech and clean energy. In each case, EU members will have to choose whether they continue to allow their companies to sell sensitive tech to the Chinese, or agree to follow American blockades.
“At some point, we have got to tell the Europeans that you’re either on our side or the other side,” said Lighthizer, who often ruffled feathers in Brussels during Trump’s tenure. “Europe wants to be somewhere between the two of us, and therefore they’ll be resistant if they can make a buck.”
The Europeans say that Biden’s focus on rebuilding American manufacturing — sometimes at Europe’s expense — is making cooperation even harder. EU members are fuming that Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act cuts their domestic automakers out of hundreds of billions of dollars in electric vehicle subsidies by stipulating that final assembly must be done in North America. After Biden’s promises of a post-Trump reconciliation with allies, Brussels is feeling betrayed by the action.
The new subsidies, combined with unilateral American actions on Chinese tech, “make Europe consider the U.S. as a country of concern, not too distant from China,” said Hosuk Lee-Makiyama, a former EU and Swedish representative at the World Trade Organization.
At the core of the disagreement is a conundrum — just how far to push the economic decoupling from China. Some, like Lighthizer, say that the U.S. should look beyond limiting China’s development in a handful of sectors, and try to reduce the overall trade deficit with the world’s second-largest economy.
“Smart guys tend to get caught up in the technology, because it’s so technical, and so futuristic and all that, but [trade in goods like] t-shirts is bad, too,” said Lighthizer. The trade deficit, he has long argued, “also builds up their technology, builds up their military and their spy network.”
“In other words, we’re funding all this horrible stuff,” he said.
That push for broader decoupling could gain steam with Republican China hawks in the next Congress, as they look for ways to paint the president as soft on Beijing. But for now, the White House’s team and its recent veterans are pushing back on that rhetoric, saying they will aim to balance the new tech conflict with China while retaining commercial ties.
“The general message we’re trying to get across is that I think the conversation about ‘decoupling’ is a little bit 2019,” Tobin said. “We need to be talking about selective disentanglement and being more nuanced, going issue-by-issue, finding common-sense steps to protect our interests while still allowing for the idea that economic and trade cooperation can bring benefits.”
Photo: Rick Bowmer (AP)
From Josh Marshall's Talking Points Memo...
At first the evidence was scattered and anecdotal. But now it's pretty clear that a key aim of the Bush administration's takeover of the NOLA situation is to cut off press access to report the story.
First, there were the FEMA orders barring members of the press from photographing anything to do with the recovery of the bodies of the dead.
Perhaps there could be guidelines about photographs which in any way clearly identified the deceased. No one wants to get first confirmation of the death of a loved one by seeing their body on the nightly news. But a blanket ban serves only to prevent the public from knowing what really happened last week. And the right of FEMA or any branch of the federal government for that matter to issue such a ban on American soil seems highly dubious to me. It's one thing with military casualties: the military operates under its own legal code and not under normal civilian rules. But this is happening on American soil. This isn't a war zone. Nor is it any longer a situation where police or National Guard troops are in the midst of retaking control from mobs or looters. This is a recovery from a natural disaster.
Now comes this post from Brian Williams [NBC], which suggests a general effort to bar reporters from access to many of the key points in the city.
Take a moment to note what's happening here: these are the marks of repressive government, which mixes inefficiency with authoritarianism. The crew that couldn't get key aid on the scene in time last week is coming in in force now. And one of the key missions appears to be cutting off public information about what's happening in the city.
This is a domestic, natural disaster. Absent specific cases where members of the press would interfere or get in the way of some particular clean up operation, or perhaps demolition work, there is simply no reason why credentialed members of the press should not be able to cover everything that is happening in that city.
Think about it.
Saturn IB SA-209
Dominating the Rocket Garden is a Saturn IB, SA-209. This booster, designated as the booster for a Skylab rescue mission should it prove necessary and later as a backup booster for the ASTP mission, it was never used for its intended purpose and today is one of two remaining Saturn IBs.
•General Specifications
oFunction: Apollo spacecraft development; S-IVB stage development in support of Saturn V; Skylab crew launcher
oManufacturer: Chrysler (S-IB); Douglas (S-IVB)
oCountry of Origin: United States
•Size
oHeight141.6 ft (43.2 m) without payload
oDiameter: 21.67 ft (6.61 m)
oMass: 1,300,220 lb (589,770 kg) without payload
oStages: 2
•Capacity
oPayload to LEO: 46,000 lb (21,000 kg)
•Launch History
oStatus: Retired
oLaunch Sites: LC-37 & LC-34, Cape Canaveral; LC-39B, Kennedy Space Center
oTotal Launches: 9
oSuccesses: 9
oFailures: 0
oFirst Flight: February 26, 1966
oLast Flight: July 15, 1975
oNotable Payloads: Unmanned Apollo CSM; Unmanned Apollo LM; Manned Apollo CSM
•First Stage – S-IB
oLength: 80.17 feet (24.44 m)
oDiameter: 21.42 feet (6.53 m)
oEmpty mass: 92,500 pounds (42,000 kg)
oGross mass: 973,000 pounds (441,000 kg)
oPropellant mass: 880,500 pounds (399,400 kg)
oEngines: 8 × Rocketdyne H-1
oThrust: 1,600,000 lbf (7,100 kN)
oSpecific impulse: 272 seconds (2.67 km/s)
oBurn time: 150 seconds
oFuel: RP-1/LOX
•Second Stage – S-IVB-200
oLength: 58.42 feet (17.81 m)
oDiameter: 21.42 feet (6.53 m)
oEmpty mass: 23,400 pounds (10,600 kg)
oGross mass: 251,900 pounds (114,300 kg)
oPropellant mass: 228,500 pounds (103,600 kg)
oEngines: Rocketdyne J-2
oThrust: 200,000 lbf (890 kN)
oSpecific Impulse: 420 seconds (4.1 km/s)
oBurn Time: 480 seconds
oFuel: LH2 / LOX
The Saturn IB (pronounced “one B”, also known as the Uprated Saturn I) was an American launch vehicle commissioned by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) for the Apollo program. It replaced the S-IV second stage of the Saturn I with the much more powerful S-IVB, able to launch a partially fueled Apollo Command/Service Module (CSM) or a fully fueled Lunar Module (LM) into low Earth orbit for early flight tests before the larger Saturn V needed for lunar flight was ready.
By sharing the S-IVB upper stage, the Saturn IB and Saturn V provided a common interface to the Apollo spacecraft. The only major difference was that the S-IVB on the Saturn V burned only part of its propellant to achieve Earth orbit, so it could be restarted for trans-lunar injection. The S-IVB on the Saturn IB needed all of its propellant to achieve Earth orbit.
The Saturn IB launched two unmanned CSM suborbital flights, one unmanned LM orbital flight, and the first manned CSM orbital mission (first planned as Apollo 1, later flown as Apollo 7). It also launched one orbital mission, AS-203, without a payload so the S-IVB would have residual liquid hydrogen fuel. This mission supported the design of the restartable version of the S-IVB used in the Saturn V, by observing the behavior of the liquid hydrogen in weightlessness.
In 1973, the year after the Apollo lunar program ended, three Apollo CSM/Saturn IBs ferried crews to the Skylab space station. In 1975, one last Apollo/Saturn IB launched the Apollo portion of the joint US-USSR Apollo–Soyuz Test Project (ASTP). A backup Apollo CSM/Saturn IB was assembled and made ready for a Skylab rescue mission, but never flown.
The remaining Saturn IBs in NASA’s inventory were scrapped after the ASTP mission, as no use could be found for them and all heavy lift needs of the US space program could be serviced by the cheaper and more versatile Titan III family.
History
In 1959, NASA’s Silverstein Committee issued recommendations to develop the Saturn class launch vehicles, growing from the C-1. When the Apollo program was started in 1961 with the goal of landing men on the Moon, NASA chose the Saturn I for Earth orbital test missions. However, the Saturn I’s payload limit of 20,000 pounds (9,100 kg) would allow testing of only the Command Module with a smaller propulsion module attached, as the Apollo Command/Service Module would have a dry weight of at least 26,300 pounds (11,900 kg), in addition to service propulsion and reaction control fuel. In July 1962, NASA announced selection of the C-5 for the lunar landing mission, and decided to develop another launch vehicle by upgrading the Saturn I, replacing its S-IV second stage with the S-IVB, which would also be modified for use as the Saturn V third stage. The S-I first stage would also be upgraded to the S-IB by improving the thrust of its engines and removing some weight. The new Saturn IB, with a payload capability of at least 35,000 pounds (16,000 kg), would replace the Saturn I for Earth orbit testing, allowing the Command/Service Module to be flown with a partial fuel load. It would also allow launching the 32,000-pound (15,000 kg) Lunar Excursion Module separately for unmanned and manned Earth orbital testing, before the Saturn V was ready to be flown. It would also give early development to the third stage.
On May 12, 1966, NASA announced the vehicle’s name would be changed to the “Uprated Saturn I”, at the same time the “Lunar Excursion Module” was renamed the Lunar Module. However, the “Uprated Saturn I” name was reverted to Saturn IB on December 2, 1967.
By the time it was developed, the Saturn IB payload capability had increased to 41,000 pounds (19,000 kg). By 1973, when it was used to launch three Skylab missions, the first-stage engine had been upgraded further, raising the payload capability to 46,000 pounds (21,000 kg).
Specifications
Launch vehicle
ParameterS-IB 1st StageS-IVB-200 2nd StageInstrument Unit
Height80.17 ft (24.44 m)58.42 ft (17.81 m)3.00 ft (0.91 m)
Diameter21.42 ft (6.53 m)21.67 ft (6.61 m)21.67 ft (6.61 m)
Structural mass92,500 lb (42,000 kg)23,400 lb (10,600 kg)4,400 lb (2,000 kg)
PropellantRP-1 / LOXLH2 / LOXN/A
Propellant mass880,500 lb (399,400 kg)228,500 lb (103,600 kg)N/A
EnginesEight - H-1One - J-2N/A
Thrust1,600,000 lbf (7,100 kN) sea level200,000 lbf (890 kN) vacuumN/A
Burn duration150 s480 sN/A
Specific impulse272 s (2.66 kN·s/kg) sea level420 s (4.12 kN·s/kg) vacuumN/A
ContractorChryslerDouglasIBM
Payload Configurations
ParameterCommand/Service ModuleApollo 5AS-203
Launch Escape System mass9,200 lb (4,200 kg)N/AN/A
Apollo Command/Service Module mass36,400 lb (16,500 kg) to
46,000 lb (21,000 kg)N/AN/A
Apollo Lunar Module massN/A31,650 lb (14,360 kg)N/A
Spacecraft LM Adapter mass4,050 lb (1,840 kg)4,050 lb (1,840 kg)N/A
Nose cone heightN/A8.3 ft (2.5 m)27.7 ft (8.4 m)
Payload height81.8 ft (24.9 m)36.3 ft (11.1 m)N/A
Total space vehicle height223.4 ft (68.1 m)177.9 ft (54.2 m)169.4 ft (51.6 m)
Payload Configurations
Command/Service ModuleApollo 5AS-203
Parameter: Launch Escape System mass
Command/Service Module 9,200 lb (4,200 kg)N/AN/A
Parameter: Apollo Command/Service Module mass36,400 lb (16,500 kg) to
46,000 lb (21,000 kg)N/AN/A
Parameter: Apollo Lunar Module massN/A31,650 lb (14,360 kg)N/A
Parameter: Spacecraft LM Adapter mass4,050 lb (1,840 kg)4,050 lb (1,840 kg)N/A
Parameter: Nose cone heightN/A8.3 ft (2.5 m)27.7 ft (8.4 m)
Payload height81.8 ft (24.9 m)36.3 ft (11.1 m)N/A
Total space vehicle height223.4 ft (68.1 m)177.9 ft (54.2 m)169.4 ft (51.6 m)
S-IB Stage
The S-IB stage was built by the Chrysler corporation at the Michoud Assembly Facility, New Orleans. It was powered by eight Rocketdyne H-1 rocket engines burning RP-1 fuel with liquid oxygen (LOX). Eight Redstone tanks (four holding fuel and four holding LOX) were clustered around a Jupiter rocket LOX tank. The four outboard engines were mounted on gimbals, allowing them to be steered to control the rocket. Eight fins surrounding the base thrust structure provided aerodynamic stability and control.
•Height: 80.17 ft. (24.44 m)
•Diameter: 21.42 ft. (6.53 m)
•Number of fins: 8
•Finspan: 39.42 ft. (12.02 m)
•Engines: 8 Rocketdyne H-1
•Thrust: 1,600,000 lbf (7,100 kN)
•Fuel: RP-1 (Refined kerosene) 41,000 US gal (155 m3)
•Oxidizer: Liquid oxygen (LOX) 66,277 US gal (251 m3) nominal capacity including 1.5% ullage volume (43,284 US gal/163 m3 in four outer tanks plus 22,993 US gal/87 m3 in center tank)
•Burn time: 2.5 min
•Burnout altitude: 37 nmi (69 km)
S-IVB-200 Stage
The S-IVB was built by the Douglas Aircraft Company at Huntington Beach, California. The S-IVB-200 model was similar to the S-IVB-500 third stage used on the Saturn V, with the exception of the interstage adapter, smaller auxiliary propulsion control modules, and lack of on-orbit engine restart capability. It was powered by a single Rocketdyne J-2 engine. The fuel and oxidizer tanks shared a common bulkhead, which saved about ten tons of weight and reduced vehicle length over ten feet.
•Height: 58.42 ft. (17.81 m)
•Diameter: 21.67 ft. (6.61 m)
•Engine: single J-2
•Thrust: 200,000 lbf (890 kN)
•Fuel: Liquid hydrogen (LH2) 64,000 US gal (242 m3)
•Oxidizer: Liquid oxygen (LOX) 20,000 US gal (76 m3)
•Burn time: approx. 7 min
•Burnout altitude (for Saturn IB): orbit
Instrument Unit
Main article: Saturn V Instrument Unit
IBM built the Instrument Unit at the Space Systems Center in Huntsville, Alabama. Located at the top of the S-IVB stage, it consisted of a Launch Vehicle Digital Computer (LVDC), an inertial platform, accelerometers, a tracking, telemetry and command system and associated environmental controls. It controlled the entire rocket from just before liftoff until battery depletion. Like other rocket guidance systems, it maintained its state vector (position and velocity estimates) by integrating accelerometer measurements, sent firing and steering commands to the main engines and auxiliary thrusters, and fired the appropriate ordnance and solid rocket motors during staging and payload separation events.
As with other rockets, a completely independent and redundant range safety system could be invoked by ground radio command to terminate thrust and to destroy the vehicle should it malfunction and threaten people or property on the ground. In the Saturn IB and V, the range safety system was permanently disabled by ground command after safely reaching orbit. This was done to ensure that the S-IVB stage would not inadvertently rupture and create a cloud of debris in orbit that could endanger the crew of the Apollo CSM.
Launch Sequence Events
•Launch Event: Ignition Command
oTime (s): -3.02
•Launch Event: First Motion
oTime (s): -0.19
•Launch Event: Liftoff
oTime (s): 0.00
•Launch Event: Initiate Pitch Maneuver
oTime (s): 10.0
•Launch Event: Initiate Roll Maneuver
oTime (s): 10.0
•Launch Event: End Roll Maneuver
oTime (s): 38.0
•Launch Event: Mach One
oTime (s): 62.18
oAltitude (km): 7.63
•Launch Event: Max Q
oTime (s): 75.5
oAltitude (km): 12.16.
•Launch Event: Freeze Tilt
oTime: 134.40..
•Launch Event: Inboard Engine Cutoff
oTime (s): 140.65..
•Launch Event: Outboard Engine Cutoff
oTime (s): 144.32
•Launch Event: Ullage Rockets Ignition
oTime (s): 145.37
•Launch Event: S-IB / S-IVB Separation
oTime (s): 145.59
•Launch Event: S-IVB Ignition
oTime (s): 146.97
•Launch Event: Ullage Rocket Burnout
oTime (s): 148.33
•Launch Event: Ullage Rocket Jettison
oTime (s): 156.58
•Launch Event: Jettison LES
oTime (s): 163.28
•Launch Event: Start Pitch Over
oTime (s): 613.95
•Launch Event: S-IVB Cutoff
oTime (s): 616.76
•Launch Event: Orbit Insertion
oTime (s): 626.76
•Launch Event: Start S/C Sep Sequence
oTime (s): 663.11
•Launch Event: Spacecraft Separation
oTime (s): 728.31
Saturn IB Vehicles and Launches
The first five Saturn IB launches for the Apollo program were made from LC-34 and LC-37, Cape Kennedy Air Force Station.
The Saturn IB was used between 1973 and 1975 for three manned Skylab flights, and one Apollo-Soyuz Test Project flight. This final production run did not have alternating black and white S-IB stage tanks, or vertical stripes on the S-IVB aft tank skirt, which were present on the earlier vehicles. Since LC-34 and 37 were inactive by then, these launches utilized Kennedy Space Center’s LC-39B. Mobile Launcher Platform No. 1 was modified, adding an elevated platform known as the “milkstool” to accommodate the height differential between the Saturn IB and the much larger Saturn V. This enabled alignment of the Launch Umbilical Tower’s access arms to accommodate crew access, fueling, and ground electrical connections for the Apollo spacecraft and S-IVB upper stage. The tower’s second stage access arms were modified to service the S-IB first stage.
SA-201
•Mission: AS-201
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 20,820
oLaunch Date: February 26, 1966
oNotes: Unmanned suborbital test of Block I CSM (Command/Service Module).
SA-203
•Mission: AS-203
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): None
oLaunch Date: July 5, 1966
oNotes: Unmanned test of unburned LH2 behavior in orbit to support S-IVB-500 restart design
SA-202
•Mission: AS-202
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 25,810
oLaunch Date: August 25, 1966
oNotes: Unmanned suborbital test of Block I CSM
SA-204
•Mission: Apollo 1
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 20,412
oNotes: Was to be first manned orbital test of Block I CSM. Cabin fire killed astronauts and damaged CM during dress rehearsal for planned February 21, 1967 launch.
•Mission: Apollo 5
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 14,360
oLaunch Date: January 22, 1968
oNotes: Unmanned orbital test of Lunar Module, used Apollo 1 launch vehicle.
SA-205
•Mission: Apollo 7
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 16,520
oLaunch Date: October 11, 1968
oNotes: Manned orbital test of Block II CSM.
SA-206
•Mission: Skylab 2
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 19,979
oLaunch Date: May 25, 1973
oNotes: Block II CSM ferried first crew to Skylab orbital workshop
SA-207
•Mission: Skylab 3
•Spacecraft Mass (kg): 20,121
•Launch Date: July 28, 1973
•Notes: Block II CSM ferried second crew to Skylab orbital workshop
SA-208
•Mission: AS-208
oNotes: Standby Skylab 3 rescue CSM-119; not needed.
•Mission: Skylab 4
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 20,847
oLaunch Date: November 16, 1973
oNotes: Block II CSM ferried third crew to Skylab orbital workshop.
SA-209
•Mission: AS-209
oNotes: Standby Skylab 4 and later Apollo-Soyuz rescue CSM-119. Not needed, currently on display in the KSC rocket garden.
•Mission: Skylab 5
oNotes: Planned CSM mission to lift Skylab workshop’s orbit to endure until Space Shuttle ready to fly; cancelled.
SA-210
•Mission: ASTP
oSpacecraft Mass (kg): 16,780
oLaunch Date: July 15, 1975
oNotes: Apollo CSM with special docking adapter module, rendezvoused with Soyuz 19. Last Saturn IB flight.
SA-211
•Notes: Unused. First stage at the Alabama Welcome Center on I-65 in Ardmore, Alabama. S-IVB stage rests with Skylab underwater training simulator hardware and is on display outdoors at the U.S. Space and Rocket Center in Huntsville, Alabama.
SA-212
•Notes: Unused. First stage scrapped. S-IVB stage converted to Skylab space station.
SA-213:
•Notes: Only first stage built. Unused and scrapped.
SA-214
•Notes: Only first stage built. Unused and scrapped.
For earlier launches of vehicles in the Saturn I series, see the list in the Saturn I article.
Saturn IB Rockets on Display
Currently there are three locations where Saturn IB vehicles (or parts thereof) are on display:
•SA-209 is on display at the Kennedy Space Center Visitor Complex, with the Apollo Facilities Verification Vehicle. Due to severe corrosion, the first stage engines and Service Module were replaced with fabricated duplicates in 1993–1994.
•The SA-211 first stage is on display with the S-IVB-S “Battleship” static test stage stacked in a launch-ready condition at the Alabama Welcome Center on Interstate 65 in Ardmore, Alabama. 34.954548°N 86.89193°W
•The SA-211 S-IVB stage was mated with the Skylab underwater training docking adapter and Apollo Telescope Mount and is on display in the Rocket Garden of the U.S. Space & Rocket Center in Huntsville, Alabama.
Cost
In 1972, the cost of a Saturn IB including launch was US$55,000,000 (equivalent to $315,000,000 in 2016).
AS 209
Black-and-white picture from inside a tall building with a space capsule being lifted from the top of a rocket
The Skylab Rescue CSM is removed from its Saturn IB Launch vehicle following the successful recovery of Skylab 4.
After the Skylab 4 launch, another rescue flight was assembled as a backup contingency. The Saturn IB rocket AS 209 was assembled in the Vehicle Assembly Building at Launch Complex 39 for possible use. It also used the CSM 119 Command Module that was to be launched with Brand and Lind.
There were also plans for a short 20-day Skylab 5 flight that would use this backup CSM. The crew, likely consisting of Brand, Lind, and Skylab backup Science Pilot William B. Lenoir, would have performed some scientific research and closed out the station until the Space Shuttle was operational. However, the extension of Skylab 4 from fifty-six to eighty-four days obviated the need for the additional mission.
AS 209 and CSM 119 were later used as a backup to the ASTP mission. Both are now on display at the Kennedy Space Center Visitor Complex. CSM 119 is located in the Apollo/Saturn V Center. The Saturn IB booster for AS 209 is currently located in the Visitor Complex’s Rocket Garden. It is displayed horizontally, mated to an Apollo FVV (Facilities Verification Vehicle) which was formerly displayed at the VAB’s Visitor Complex c. October 1968. In 2007, after sitting untouched for over 30 years, NASA engineers used the command module for studies on the spacecraft’s life support adapter assembly—the projecting aerodynamic fairing that allows oxygen, water, and electricity to flow from the Service Module to the Command Module. This was in support of the design and construction of a similar system on the new Orion spacecraft, which resembles the Skylab Rescue configuration.
Shenyueshu (Divine Music Administration) in Temple of Heaven is a royal organization for playing ancient music. The Divine Music Administration was housed in a group of buildings northwest of the West Heavenly Gate of the Circular Mound Altar and on the other side of the wall of the Fasting Palace. Its job was to play music and perform dance at the heaven-worshiping and other grand ceremonies. It was the top academy of ceremonial music during the Ming and Qing dynasties.
The building complex was first built in 1420 in the Ming Dynasty. They were typital government office building. The administration was under the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, the Ministry of Rites.
This High Dynamic Range 360° panorama was stitched from 114 bracketed photographs with PTGUI Pro, tone-mapped with Photomatix, and touched up in Aperture.
Original size: 11969 × 11969 (143.3 MP; 139.81 MB).
Location: Temple of Heaven, Beijing, China
The Alcázar of Seville is one of the most representative monumental compounds in the city, the country and the Mediterranean culture as a whole. The historical evolution of the city in the last millennium is held within its walls and gardens, amalgamating influences starting from the Arabic period, late Middle Ages Mudéjar right through to the Renaissance, Baroque and the XIX century. The declaration of World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1987 acknowledged the survival of cultures and civilizations as a harmonic whole where all of the elements are balanced. The visitor will get to know these unique surroundings either through the legendary al-Mutamid, the XI century monarch and poet from Seville, or through some of the characters that illuminated modern-day Spain around 1812. www.alcazarsevilla.org/english-version/
Waiting for the Bus at Bus Stop 523 on North Charles at Hamilton Street in Baltimore, Maryland on Wednesday afternoon, 12 July 2017 by Elvert Barnes Photography
NEWSPAPER MACHINES Series
The BALTIMORE SUN and The BALTIMORE CITY PAPER
Read 7 July 2017 BizJournals article entitled Baltimore Sun shutting City Paper down after 40 years at www.bizjournals.com/baltimore/news/2017/07/07/baltimore-s...
Waiting At Bus Stops Project / Baltimore City Series
En route to Washington DC for Dental Appointment
Promise Fulfilled, Accomplishment Achieved at WSSU Commencement on May 14
WINSTON-SALEM, NC -- For Jeanette Valentine, earning her bachelor’s degree in business administration will be fulfilling on many levels.
Valentine, 50, is one of the approximately 1,000 undergraduate and graduate students who are expected to participate in WSSU’s Spring Commencement exercises on May 14 at 9:45 a.m. in the Lawrence Joel Veterans Memorial Coliseum. Stephen A. Smith, noted journalist, media personality and motivational speaker, will be the keynote speaker.
Commencement will mark a special satisfaction not just because Valentine, a travel audit officer in WSSU’s accounting department, will be graduating with her 24-year-old son William R. Valentine. It’s because of a long-time promise fulfilled. Valentine made the promise to her mother back in 1978. Her mother and father never graduated from high school. When Valentine’s mother, who was battling cancer, asked her to promise she would graduate college, Valentine did. Valentine’s mother died two weeks before she graduated high school. Valentine was devastated over losing her mother.
“I started school at WSSU that year, but it lasted only one semester. I didn’t have the drive. I was still too distressed and overcome by my mother’s death. I couldn’t focus on school,” Valentine said.
Instead, Valentine got married, had two children and eventually went to work at a few jobs before coming to work at WSSU in 2006. In 2007, she decided to return to school since her children were adults. At the same time, her son who graduated high school in 2004 was thinking about returning to college after quitting previously. By fall 2007, both with full-time jobs returned to school at WSSU. He was an exercise science major and she was in the School of Business and Economics.
“He was so career focused on his job and he was doing well. But I kept pushing him and telling him he had to get a degree. I was thrilled he came back to school and that we were in school at the same time. It was exciting,” said Valentine.
Eventually Valentine saw her son was distracted by work. They talked and it was he who asked they agree to push each other so they could graduate at the same time.
That time is now. Valentine is thrilled they are graduating together. She says it feels like she has kept the promise made to her mother times two.
“In addition to the accomplishment, it may be quite an emotional day,” Valentine said.
Valentine is a member of Beta Gamma Sigma, the international honor society for collegiate schools of business as well as Alpha Sigma Lambda, a national honor society for Adult Learners in Continuing Higher Education. She plans to pursue her master’s degree at Liberty University.
Extraordinary Journey
It will be a festive ending to an extraordinary journey for Jerrica Scott, 24, of Winston-Salem. For Scott, commencement will symbolize the end of a passage marked by limitations, fear and uncertainty. It will be a celebration of a personal renaissance, driven by a theme that anything is possible with faith, passion and purpose.
“No matter how bad things may look, you can make a difference in your own life and the lives of others if you work really hard and know things can change. Soon things may look different, then not so bad, better, even good.”
Scott’s journey is verification of her belief. She entered WSSU to earn a four-year bachelor’s degree in elementary education six years ago as a single teen-aged mom. During that time as a full-time student, living on her own with her young daughter, she worked full-time, changed majors multiple times, quit school, got married, had another child, returned to school, made up a semester of credits lost when she quit and found her way back to the major that gave her the purpose.
“Just before I started my freshman year, I could hear people saying now that I had a baby as a teenager, my life was over or I wouldn’t get very far,” noted Scott. “Because I got pregnant in high school and had a baby in my first year of college, it didn’t mean I would be a failure. I did not want to be the stereotype of a young single mom who would work only at fast food restaurants or be on welfare the rest of her life.”
Although Scott was determined, she became distracted during her second year.
“I was failing classes miserably. I was living on my own and I was 18 years old. I felt lost and beaten, so I quit school,” Scott said who worked as a waitress. “Then one day, my manager told me the biggest thing he regretted was not finishing school. So if you don’t want to be waiting tables for the rest of your life, you need to go back to school. “
That was the turning point for Scott. She also thought about her mother, a cosmetologist, who always stressed the importance of education and often expressed interest in wanting her children to be greater than she. Scott soon quit her job and returned to school. Her best friend and others helped her find her way back to the major that aligned with where her talents and passions had always been -- elementary education.
“My best friend told me this is what I suppose to be doing. She told me we are going over there right now and you are going to get enrolled back into school. I just thank her,” said Scott.
Then she met a good man who cared about her and her daughter. It was like an unattainable dream. They soon married. Her second daughter was born in 2010. Now in school and completely focused on her education, Scott delivered the baby on a Friday and returned class on Monday.
Scott is currently working as a substitute teacher and searching for a fulltime permanent teaching job. She is also going to be the “first in my family to graduate college.”
Multiple Job Offers Early in Her Senior Year
Information technology major Kristen Dunlap, 21, of Charlotte, has accomplished a standout achievement, even before she completed her last year of college. In this challenging economy, she had two job offers from Fortune 500 companies one before her senior year, the other early in her senior year. She selected one position which she will begin this summer.
Dunlap attributes her success to internships, which she began participating in back in her freshman year. That first one was a summer research experience for undergraduate WSSU computer science students at WSSU, funded by NASA. She used, GIS visualization tools to visualize North Carolina weather patterns. The goal of the summer program was to expose students to researching skills and help to develop their problem solving and critical thinking skills.
For her second year, Dunlap interned at the NASA Langley, Va., facility where she worked as a liaison between the technology and client teams for the database tracking system used to manage NASA’s contractual projects.
For summer 2010, she was an intern at Altria Client Services in Richmond ,Va., where she worked on data archiving to consolidate previous and current information to migrate to a new system.
“You can never underestimate the value of internships. I started utilizing the WSSU Career Services office in my second year. My parents always told me to be aggressive at seeking job opportunities. I didn’t want to be a person to work hard for four years and have no job in the end,” Dunlap said.
She will start her new job at Altria Client Services as an IT assistant analyst.
The Entertainment Mogul
Erikka Rainey, 22, of Philadelphia wants to be a female Sean “P-Diddy” Combs. In fact, she has wanted to be an entertainment mogul from a very young age. As a child, she dabbled in music and even took classes, but by age 14, she knew wholeheartedly that she wanted to be on the business side of the music industry.
“When I first learned about P-Diddy, I knew that was where I wanted my future to be,” said Rainey. “I look up to P- Diddy because I’m working to be the first female to start a record label, then restaurants, clothing lines and television shows.”
When she sees a famous entertainer, she wonders what sort of things they did in their career to get famous. If not famous, she wonders what it would take to make them famous. While at WSSU she jumped at every opportunity to market and promote musical artists and events. She worked with Hidden Beach Recordings to promote events for a new CD. She passed out flyers and did social media and internet marketing for jazz artist Monette Sudler of Philadelphia this past summer.
“If there’s one thing I live by, it’s take advantage of all opportunities. Don’t close yourself off to anything. You never know what you will learn that can be the key to your future,” Rainey said.
An honor student, Rainey will be attending New York University’s (NYU) music business program in the fall. She plans to maintain at least one home in New York City after graduate school when her career kicks off.
Times were tough in 1932. When Cass County's 1888 courthouse burned, the referendum to replace it failed. By the next year FDR's Public Works Administration was in place, so the county applied for a grant and this structure became the first courthouse in Iowa to be built with PWA funding.
It was designed by Des Moines architects Dougher, Rich & Woodburn and built by the C.C. Larsen Company of Council Bluffs in a style now known as PWA Moderne. The exterior is buff-colored brick with Bedford limestone trim. (That's Indiana limestone, kids! Quarried between Bedford and Bloomington. Think "The Cutters" from Breaking Away. Just thought you'd want to know that. ; )
Added to the National Register of Historic Places in 2003 as a part of the PWA-Era County Courthouses of Iowa Multiple Properties Submission.
I know it might seem boxy and ugly to some, but when you really get to looking, these PWA courthouses are streamlined jewels with some sweet deco touches. See detail shots below in the comments section.
Copyright Managing Director's Office of Special Events Photograph by Bill Z. Foster.
This Office of Special Events photograph is being made available only for publication by news organizations and for noncommercial personal use. The photograph may not be manipulated in any way and may not be used in advertisements, emails, products, or promotions that in any way suggests approval or endorsement of the Mayor or his Administration. Reproduction of this photograph requires attribution of ownership to the photographer.
INTRO TO THECENTEROFTHENET.COM / LARGE 2400 + STUDENT PROJECT With approximately 650-2400 students, lacking funding and administration experience, I set up and administered a Nginx/Aegir based Octopus/Barracuda platform on an unmanaged VPS for development. Two full time college contracts granted access to students for research and development. Many Chinese teachers were reluctant to assign individual/group projects, lacking resources and technological ability. I created teams, leaders and online groups, known as “evogroups” at thecenterofthenet.com to address that. Different blending learning techniques where applied. Group questions populated a shared FAQ, leaders created support tickets for non-indexed questions, which would be later closed and then added to the FAQ.. Content was analyzed using Thomson Reuters semantic tagging and the Solaris Search module for future intelligent discovery, using what’s related type facets and metrics. All applicable metrics, liked, used, disliked, etc. would be recorded in “MyIQ”. Similar to Napster’s discovery model, where users accessed collections of similar listeners… Intelligent discovery connected users with similar Myiq’s.. Content wasn’t liked and forgotten in a single use cycle. 10 years ago, this was a rare strategy..
This was a complex system. I’m not a programmer; rather a task/form-follow-function orientated developer understanding principles and adapting code or script as needed. Creating a non-hardware version of OLPC targeting vocational, institutional, collaborative learning mixed user literacy environments and other dynamic scenarios was challenging. Targeting digital immigrants with various computer literacy levels in traditional Chinese classrooms, where universities today don’t allow laptops was difficult. Without prior teacher blogs, online lesson plans, etc. . Intensive student orientation was a prerequisite, allowing group and individual video research projects to then be assigned. Within the EMS, project and assignment management with collaboration tools & metrics allowed large classes to receive individualized attention. Additionally, I online final exams were also integrated, with dynamic questions, destroying cheating opportunity. Despite international 2018 EMS adoption, I'm unaware of previous and few modern Chinese schools with such integration.
Hosting abroad under censorship, utilizing domestic api’s was difficult. China blocked my server twice causing midterm server relocation. Drupal 6, under high user load, combined with the local network infrastructure was not scalable. A larger server and team was required to optimize database calls and more. Beyond my individual capability. With a working example, I created promotional Kickstarter campaign videos.
Using Audacity and PowerPoint, 100s of hours were invested in promotional videos. I had to pause development to care for my wife who developed health issues. This entire experience, researching and developing a large scale project would have been difficult in the US. These accomplishments are comparable with Khan Academy's initial work involving 70 Californian students. By the time my wife's health improved, there were significant php/drupal developments. Having no opportunity to update the project, I have instead migrated toward an offline independent Linux based S.E.L.M.S.
It still is pretty bleak looking down here at the Corning Preserve, but it won't be long until things green up, especially with 80 degrees being predicted for Monday. andyarthur.org/photos/albany/sunyadmini.html
The first drone strikes under President Trump were carried out in central Yemen over the weekend the Pentagon said Monday.
On Friday Saturday and Sunday armed U.S. drones attacked al-Qaeda’s affiliate in Yemen at Al Bayda a town about 175 miles southwest of Sanaa the capital. The strikes...
www.dronewatchdogs.com/first-drone-strikes-trump-administ...
The Banff National Park administration building is situated on 12 acres of land that were acquired by Parks Canada in 1934. From the 1890's until the disastrous fire of 1934, the Bretton Hall Sanitarium, one of Banff's oldest resort businesses, had occupied the property.
Architect Harold C. Beckett, of Ontario, designed the building and gardens to compliment one another and the surrounding landscape.
Built in 1935-36 for park administration purposes, the building was the first representation of the federal government in the national parks. Beckett insisted on using locally acquired materials on the exterior as well as the interior of the building.
When I got there last time it had stopped raining, the sun made a reappearance and a rainbow showed to the left of the buiding. This is such a beautiful place.
The cover of a photo album called BarkBeetle Enemies of California Forests. Prepared by the USDA Bureau of Entomology and Plant Quarantine in cooperation with the State Emergency Relief Administration - Project 3F-2-302 and the Emergency Educational Program. Berkeley, California. February, 1935.
Credit: USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection.
Source: Forest Health Protection digital file collection; Region 6 Regional Office, Portland, Oregon.
Wickman's account of these photo albums:
"The drought-related stress to trees on million of acres of
ponderosa pine forests in the inland West caused dramatic
levels of tree mortality that could not be ignored by politicians. Miller, Keen, and Patterson also played a clever propaganda game to procure appropriations to increase the research efforts on the western pine beetle. During the depression, government agencies provided some level of support for artists, cartographers, and draftsmen as a “make work” program. These artisans were eagerly employed by Miller at bargain prices to produce hand-colored photo albums showing the extent of the tree mortality caused by bark beetles, what was being done, and what was needed in the form of research programs to curb this wasteful tree loss. Miller got the message across by supplying these albums to trade associations, chambers of commerce, politicians, and universities."
From: Wickman, Boyd E. 2005. Harry E. Burke and John M. Miller, pioneers in Western forest entomology. Gen. Tech. Rep. PNW-GTR-638. Portland, OR: USDA, Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Research Station. p. 126.
www.fs.fed.us/pnw/publications/pnw_gtr638/
For additional historical forest entomology photos, stories, and resources see the Western Forest Insect Work Conference site: wfiwc.org/content/history-and-resources
Image provided by USDA Forest Service, Pacific Northwest Region, State and Private Forestry, Forest Health Protection: www.fs.usda.gov/main/r6/forest-grasslandhealth
Title: The new $1.2 million Police and Administration of Justice building located at the corner of Curtis and Mondamin Streets was quickly taking shape in August 1970. Workmen for MacKay-Crocker Construction Company Ltd. of London, the contractors for the project, had recently completed the walls for the second storey and the roof for the structure would be built soon. When completed, the building would house the city police department, facilities for juvenile and family court, Provincial judge's court, the Crown Attorney, as well as probation offices, jail cells and lunch rooms.
Creator(s): St. Thomas Times-Journal
Bygone Days Publication Date: August 21, 2013
Original Publication Date: August 28, 1970
Reference No.: C8 Sh6 B4 F4 6
Credit: Elgin County Archives, St. Thomas Times-Journal fonds