PaRCha - JNU - DSU - 2014 ID-58563
.
z4-}~1-j2.ol.f-.
the people. Such kinds of psychological w arfare of projecting revolutionaries as gun t·otters and even drug .
traffickers (which the revisionist 'left' in an anxiety to maintain some of sort of relevance for themselves also counter-revolutionary propaganda that allpropagates) is an old strategy of the imperialist sponsored .
uncompromising anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggles around the world have faced. .
But the hoard of misinformation, false propaganda, vilification of the revolutionary movement, and a facife .
d~bate on 'violence' is all that the Indian state and its faithful media has done. As if the masters of the countr-Y .
who nev8r lose sleep over the violence caused by the present exploitative system leading to the death of iakhs of .
indebted peasants, millions of stillborn and malnourished children, or the tens of thousands perishing in the absence .
of the very basic health facilities, the three hundred women who die in pregnancy or child-birth everyday in the .
country, or for that matter the 77% of the population li ving on an average daily income of less than Rs.20, has been .
rudely awakened by the practice of political violence by the revolutionary masses. The cacophony over 'violence' .
seeks to submerge the anguish of the classes and sections who have suffered for centuries the burden of .
exploitative and regressive production relations in our society, replete with daily violence. It conveniently covers up .
'territorial integrity', as the experience.
.
the forcible and violent subjugation of a whole people or nation in the name of .
of Kashmir, North East or Punjab exemplifies. For the oppressed masses, violence is an everyday experience, a fact .
of life. They know it well, as they are the targets of this violence. For Marxists too, violence has never been the central issue. What is central is the question of putting an end to the exploitation of one human being by another and of one class by another, through revolutionary social transformation. The theory and practice of Marxism as well as .
the history of worldwide communist movement shows that no radical reordering of the society is possible without the ' and 'order' in a.
oppressed classes confronting the violence of the oppressors. The quest for maintaining 'peace.
society with exploitative social relations, especially in India where caste and feud:::ll oppressic n is a bitter reality for the broad masses, is nothing but a ploy of the ruling classes to continue unh!ndered the existing exploitative system. To ask the revolutionary masses to 'abjure' vioience therefore is to ask them to give up Marxism and class struggle. .
As long as the ruling classes retain its powers to exploit and oppress through open and systemic violence, political .
~ .
violence of the oppressed wiH continue to be relevant, justified, and necessary. .
' .I .
Naxalism is not the problem, but the solution. The revolutionary idea, that guided the Naxalbari upsurge in 1967 marked tha momentous and fundamental departure in the Indian communist movement. in thB very understanding of Indian history, character of state and society and thereby the path towards revolution. Despite its earlier setback, .
and notwithstanding immense state repression since. things never remained the same. Naxalbari. in the realm of practice and ideas had for the first time lodged the most decisive challenge to the forces of fascism..
theoryr .
brahm inical feudalism, imperialism and importantly also to revisionism and dass collaboration. It brought into fore. the questions of land to the tiller, of demar~ding human dignity of the people and showed how these basic dernar.ds can only be achieved through a revolutionary transformat;on of the society and not tl1rough reformist posturing. VVhat started as the Spring Thunder of Naxalbari, today after 4 7 years long path of relentless struggle has proliferated 'single largest internal security threat' for the.
across the country, forged new unities and has now emerged as the ruling classes. Naxalbari proclaimed that the existing econcrnic and political system that thrives on exploitation and oppression can only be overthrown through intensifying the class struggle that includes a protracted armed struggle and a revolutionary overhauling of the existing system. This proclamation came in radical contrast to the path taken .
by the revisionist 'left' of getting ensnared in the pigsty of parliament. .
'left' imagined of bringing.
The so-called parliamentary democracy in India, entering which the revisionist social transformation, is after all nothing but a farce and an organ of the ruling class to oppress and exploit .
the masses. All the acts passed !n the parliament, take the recent examples of t11e notorious SEZ, unbrid:ed FDI and weakening and sell-out of public sector have got unanimous support from across the parliamentary spectrum. The tremendous assaults of imperialist market that intensified manifold after the brazen implementation of nee-liberal policies post 1990s have also all been duly sar.ction~d by the parliament including its left' represent:=Jtives llhere tt had heen in power. The same has b~en the case.
who far from slopping those has implemented the s3n1e '.
with repressive measures that have been brought to safegu .
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PaRCha - JNU - DSU - 2014 ID-58563
.
z4-}~1-j2.ol.f-.
the people. Such kinds of psychological w arfare of projecting revolutionaries as gun t·otters and even drug .
traffickers (which the revisionist 'left' in an anxiety to maintain some of sort of relevance for themselves also counter-revolutionary propaganda that allpropagates) is an old strategy of the imperialist sponsored .
uncompromising anti-feudal, anti-imperialist struggles around the world have faced. .
But the hoard of misinformation, false propaganda, vilification of the revolutionary movement, and a facife .
d~bate on 'violence' is all that the Indian state and its faithful media has done. As if the masters of the countr-Y .
who nev8r lose sleep over the violence caused by the present exploitative system leading to the death of iakhs of .
indebted peasants, millions of stillborn and malnourished children, or the tens of thousands perishing in the absence .
of the very basic health facilities, the three hundred women who die in pregnancy or child-birth everyday in the .
country, or for that matter the 77% of the population li ving on an average daily income of less than Rs.20, has been .
rudely awakened by the practice of political violence by the revolutionary masses. The cacophony over 'violence' .
seeks to submerge the anguish of the classes and sections who have suffered for centuries the burden of .
exploitative and regressive production relations in our society, replete with daily violence. It conveniently covers up .
'territorial integrity', as the experience.
.
the forcible and violent subjugation of a whole people or nation in the name of .
of Kashmir, North East or Punjab exemplifies. For the oppressed masses, violence is an everyday experience, a fact .
of life. They know it well, as they are the targets of this violence. For Marxists too, violence has never been the central issue. What is central is the question of putting an end to the exploitation of one human being by another and of one class by another, through revolutionary social transformation. The theory and practice of Marxism as well as .
the history of worldwide communist movement shows that no radical reordering of the society is possible without the ' and 'order' in a.
oppressed classes confronting the violence of the oppressors. The quest for maintaining 'peace.
society with exploitative social relations, especially in India where caste and feud:::ll oppressic n is a bitter reality for the broad masses, is nothing but a ploy of the ruling classes to continue unh!ndered the existing exploitative system. To ask the revolutionary masses to 'abjure' vioience therefore is to ask them to give up Marxism and class struggle. .
As long as the ruling classes retain its powers to exploit and oppress through open and systemic violence, political .
~ .
violence of the oppressed wiH continue to be relevant, justified, and necessary. .
' .I .
Naxalism is not the problem, but the solution. The revolutionary idea, that guided the Naxalbari upsurge in 1967 marked tha momentous and fundamental departure in the Indian communist movement. in thB very understanding of Indian history, character of state and society and thereby the path towards revolution. Despite its earlier setback, .
and notwithstanding immense state repression since. things never remained the same. Naxalbari. in the realm of practice and ideas had for the first time lodged the most decisive challenge to the forces of fascism..
theoryr .
brahm inical feudalism, imperialism and importantly also to revisionism and dass collaboration. It brought into fore. the questions of land to the tiller, of demar~ding human dignity of the people and showed how these basic dernar.ds can only be achieved through a revolutionary transformat;on of the society and not tl1rough reformist posturing. VVhat started as the Spring Thunder of Naxalbari, today after 4 7 years long path of relentless struggle has proliferated 'single largest internal security threat' for the.
across the country, forged new unities and has now emerged as the ruling classes. Naxalbari proclaimed that the existing econcrnic and political system that thrives on exploitation and oppression can only be overthrown through intensifying the class struggle that includes a protracted armed struggle and a revolutionary overhauling of the existing system. This proclamation came in radical contrast to the path taken .
by the revisionist 'left' of getting ensnared in the pigsty of parliament. .
'left' imagined of bringing.
The so-called parliamentary democracy in India, entering which the revisionist social transformation, is after all nothing but a farce and an organ of the ruling class to oppress and exploit .
the masses. All the acts passed !n the parliament, take the recent examples of t11e notorious SEZ, unbrid:ed FDI and weakening and sell-out of public sector have got unanimous support from across the parliamentary spectrum. The tremendous assaults of imperialist market that intensified manifold after the brazen implementation of nee-liberal policies post 1990s have also all been duly sar.ction~d by the parliament including its left' represent:=Jtives llhere tt had heen in power. The same has b~en the case.
who far from slopping those has implemented the s3n1e '.
with repressive measures that have been brought to safegu .
e e Jf .
n n .
tg al .
te .
!il .
al Jk ld .
es .
in .
1a .
a .
tF .
.
a .
;n .
!n m.
:h .
.
e, .
::>t .
1$.
)d er .
'.
need.
·ry .
gs .
1St .
rn .
.
ial .
enrd .
&.
he .
.
)n .
enhe .
10 nd .
tly .
&.
gh .
& .
. . .
.
l .
f .
t .
r .
~ .
I .
.
l .
.
l .
:.
.
I .
:;o 1; .
1-,:r~ ;. .
'· .
k· .
,. .
·' .
I ., . .-~: ,'..,.,.-.-. .
' . "-r . ·. ·. .....,.
' .
~ -, ";;!! , .
.. .. .
.