PaRCha - JNU - All Organisations - 2013 ID-55396

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Revive t he legac!j of the J NU student movement .

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~ ·~For a no n sectarian left unit_y .

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Fiuht for the democratization of Hiuh~reducationI .

let us ensure 5Deprivation Points lor the Muslim students.

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who are grosslv under-represented in JNU! .

'appeased' at the same time. While Muslims need to"[The Muslims] carry a double burden of being labeled as ~anti-national' and as being .

anti-national' and 1terrorlsts', it is not recognized that the alleged ~appeasement' has not resultedprove on a dally basis that they are not '.

-Sachar Committee Report.

in the desired level of socio-economic development of thecommunity" .

Last semester before the Academic Council meeting, DSU raised the demand of expanding the Progressive Admission Policy and provide .

five deprivation points to the Muslim students at the time of their admission. We made this demand based on concrete analysis of the status .

of MusH.m students in higher education in the country in general as well as in JNU in particular. Systemic explortation, deprivation and .

persecution of Muslims because of their religious identity have impeded their growth and development which is reflected in their gross under-.

representation in both education and employment. In JNU too, the overall representation of Muslim students is abysmally low if one .

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looks at the center-wise distribution. Muslim students are concentrated mainly in the centers for Urdu, Persian and Arabic languages, .

where they number around 53%. But excluding these centers, the total number of Muslim students in the rest of the centers comes .

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approximately to around a mere 7.7%. In SSS, the percentage of Muslim students is approximately 8.5%; in SIS, it is approximately 6.8%; in the Science Schools, the integrated totaJ comes around 8.6%; in School 0f Arts and Aesthetics, it is a mere 4.1%. In SLL&CS, excluding the aforementioned centers, the strength of Muslim students comes approximately to a mere 7.4%. Ever since the transfer of power in 1947, theIndian state has upheld Hindu-fundamentalism and brahminism. The oppressed sections 'vote banks' by all parliamentary parties irrespective of differences in their.

including the Oalif.s, Adivasis and Muslims have been used as .

professed ideologies or the colour of their flags. Their rhetoric notwithstanding, the range of parliamentary parties from Congress! BJP to .

CPM and other pseudo-left organisations have repeatedly delivered lip-service to the oppressed. The imperialist onslaught with unabated .

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support from aJI parliamentary parties has reduced the living condition of these sections to a subhuman level. And this reflects glaringly m .

education that has remained a fiefdom of the dominant Hindu brahmanical forces. Amongst all the oppressed, the condition of Muslims in .

particular and their proportionate representation in the domain of education and economic opportunities is glaringly low. The reality of the .

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ungerdevelopment of Muslims was most poignantly reveaJed in the Sachar Committee report. .

The Sachar Committee report is a detailed analysis of the condition of Muslims in various states across the country, and has .

revealed thetruestate of Muslims in the country. Quoted herein are just a few important findings and observations of the committee. .

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The relative share for Muslims in education and employment is lower than even the Dalits in some instances . (p. 50) .

The literacy rate among Muslims in 2001was 59.1%. This is far below the all-India average (65.1 %). (p.52) .

As many as 25 %of Muslim children in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended school or have dropped out. (p.55) .

While 26% of 17 years and above in the country have completed matriculation, there're only 17% matriculates amongst Muslims. (p.60) .

Based on four years of data, on an average about 62% of the eligible children in the 'upper'-caste H~!1du and other religious groups.

(excluding Muslims) are likely to complete primary education followed by M11s'!ms (44 %), SCs(39%) and STs (32%). (p.62) .

Those having technical education r.1t !he appropriate ages,(18 years and above), are as low as one per cent among Muslims. (p.64) .

'All Others' is found to be prevalent in all.

The a!l~!ndia trend of increasing disparities in Graduation Acquiring Rate between Muslims and .

4 s'ates. In urban areas, Muslims are falling behind not only vis-a-vis 'All Others'. but also Dalits and Adivasis in several states. (p.68) .

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Among the premier colleges of India. one out of twenty five students enrolled in Under Graduate (UG) courses and only one out of every .

frfty students in Post-Gr~duate (PG) courses is aMuslim. (p.69) .

In Post-graduate colleges it was found that only about one out of twenty students is a Muslim. This is significantly below the share of OBCs (24%) and SCs/STs (13%). (p.71) .

A comparison of the probability estimates for completion of higher secondary and gr~duaUon suggests that Muslims are at a much larger disadvantage at the higher secondary level. Ttus presumably results in a much lower size of Muslim population eligible for higher educa!ion. .

(p.75). The report also highlights the wilful negligence of government schools, especially the Urdu medium schools and madrasahs, which are attended by a large number of Muslim students. It also contrasts the approach and importance attached to Sanskrit from that of Urdu by the various state governments, clearly reflecting the Hindu/Brahmanical natureof the state. Justice Ranganath Mishra Committee has also made similar observations. It identified the Muslims as the largest religious minority with .

a country-wide presence, "and yet educationally the most backward of the religious communities. 1J Among all the religious minorities Jains (21.47%) have the highest proportion of educated persons among all the religions among those who have completed graduation stage. This .

is followed by Christians (8.71%) and Sikhs (6.94 %). Muslims have the lowest proportion at 3.6 %. One of the most progressive .

recommendations made by this Committee is the provision of 15%separate reservation for religious minorities, of which 10%to be earmaiked for Muslims (commensurate with their 73%$hare of the former in t11e total minority population at the national level). This .

recommendation is yet to be taken up or given due seriousness by the Indian state. What the UPA did instead.as a poll gimmick was to .

include 4.5% reservation for religious minorities within OBC reservation, which was opposed by both Muslims and the OBCs. Implementation of the separate 10% reservation for Muslims would be one of the biggest challenges for all progressive forces who standby social justice. lo JNU the students have fought and won the struggle for larger democratization of education through implementing deprivation points for .

students comingfrom backwards regions and for women students. OBC students used to get 5 deprivation pointseven before the 27% OBC reservation was finally implemented. Similarly, as part of the larger battle for impiementation of 10%reservationfor Muslims, until it is legally .

mandated, OSU demands that JNU administration must immediately address the educational and social discrimination of Muslims by .

providing 5 deprivation points to all Muslim students during the admission tests. The previous AISA led JNUSU opportu.nistically refused to take any position on this issue. The current JNUSU too so far has only deliverorl mere lip services to this crucial demand. We demaod that JNUSU must include the -demand-for 5 deprivation point for 11JUSiim students in the charter o.f demands and_fight a resolute battle to make the JNU administration implement the same. -.

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