PaRCha - JNU - AISA material - 2010 ID-26534
.
However, things did not stand still either in the party or in the society at large. By 1976, the dialectics of practice had clashed violently with the metaphysics in theory and, given the required conditions, the Party was poised for a major change.iv The post-emergency watershed in national life saw an explosion of democratic and opposition impulses in various forms and class dimensions. If the Janata Party became its big bourgeois tribune, the CPI(ML)(Liberation) emerged as the proletarian platform while the CPI(M) came up with its new project of formation of stable governments in states and conclaves with parties of bourgeois opposition at the centre. The inner-party campaign that enabled us to make this historic transition has been known as the rectification movement. .
This movement or campaign started with the limited purpose of correcting wrong ideas and practices concerning armed units, but quickly developed into a full-fledged onslaught on the metaphysical viewpoint of dogmatism and perfectionism. This led to great changes in the partys political and organisational lines. Mass organisations were built up on students, workers, peasants and other fronts, later brought together under the umbrella of Indian Peoples Front (launched in April 1982). .
Semi-Anarchism Crystallises into Anarcho-Militarism .
Meanwhile, the semi-anarchist groups were going through a long and complex process of coming together and falling apart to give rise to several short-lived and few relatively stable combinations. The CPI(ML) Peoples War (PWG for short) was founded in 1980. There was a long and tortuous course of three-way unity talks among MCCI, PWG and PU, frequently interrupted by internecine clashes including a "black chapter" (as the concerned organizations called it after the merger). In 1998 the PU merged with the PWG. Then in September 2004, the two "Maoist" formations merged to form the CPI(Maoist). The long process of centralization of semi-anarchist groups around two centres the MCCI and PWG was thus brought to culmination. The quantitative growth and enhanced strength led to a qualitative leap too: the unified body started its solitary journey tangentially away from the CPI(ML) trajectory as an anarcho-militarist current. .
In an unprincipled attempt to satisfy the cadre of the two organisations, both Charu Majumdar and Kanai Chatterjee were projected as co-founders of the new party! The two leaders who in their lifetimes consciously and resolutely avoided uniting in a single party were now posthumously compelled to do so by their followers! The post of general secretary went to PWG's comrade Ganapathy while the group agreed to drop the ML tag and with it the residual commitment to the CPI(ML) tradition, without, of course, saying it in so many words. The new organisation's ideological-political orientation came to be fully dominated by the MCC brand of Maoism. .
The primary immediate task announced by the new organisation in its first press communique was to transform the existing armed squads into a full-fledged People's liberation Army (PLA) and the existing guerrilla zones into base areas. But the first task that the world actually saw it taking up was a truce with the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh, a 'tactic' that backfired before long. After losing much of their old bases in AP at the hands of the YSR government, which ironically they had helped to come to power, they concentrated their activities in relatively newer areas like Dantewada in Chhattisgarh, Koraput-Rayagada region in Orissa and the Bankura-Purulia-Medinipur belt in West Bengal. .
Maoist Sect vis-à-vis Revolutionary Communist Party .
The most conspicuous common feature of these Maoist strongholds is that both in terms of terrain (mountainous and forest areas) and socio-economic conditions (the historic alienation of tribal communities from the economic, political and socio-cultural lifelines of India) these regions are very suitable for armed skirmishes with the state. This advantage has always prompted the MCC, PWG and later the CPI (Maoist) to flock into such areas, leaving behind the peasantry and other toilers in the vast plains. Moreover, in recent years these regeions have witnessed increased intrusion and oppression by the corporate-state nexus in search of minerals and other resources. The age-old tribal alienation is thus developing into an explosive situation pregnant with prospects of an adivasi rebellion of 21st-century (taking a dangerous turn in the words of the Prime Minister of India). The Maoists have successfully buildt on these objective factors, but in the process they have turned their backs entirely on their communist past and ended up as a rebellious sect based in just one section of the Indian people and working on a single-point .
.
PaRCha - JNU - AISA material - 2010 ID-26534
.
However, things did not stand still either in the party or in the society at large. By 1976, the dialectics of practice had clashed violently with the metaphysics in theory and, given the required conditions, the Party was poised for a major change.iv The post-emergency watershed in national life saw an explosion of democratic and opposition impulses in various forms and class dimensions. If the Janata Party became its big bourgeois tribune, the CPI(ML)(Liberation) emerged as the proletarian platform while the CPI(M) came up with its new project of formation of stable governments in states and conclaves with parties of bourgeois opposition at the centre. The inner-party campaign that enabled us to make this historic transition has been known as the rectification movement. .
This movement or campaign started with the limited purpose of correcting wrong ideas and practices concerning armed units, but quickly developed into a full-fledged onslaught on the metaphysical viewpoint of dogmatism and perfectionism. This led to great changes in the partys political and organisational lines. Mass organisations were built up on students, workers, peasants and other fronts, later brought together under the umbrella of Indian Peoples Front (launched in April 1982). .
Semi-Anarchism Crystallises into Anarcho-Militarism .
Meanwhile, the semi-anarchist groups were going through a long and complex process of coming together and falling apart to give rise to several short-lived and few relatively stable combinations. The CPI(ML) Peoples War (PWG for short) was founded in 1980. There was a long and tortuous course of three-way unity talks among MCCI, PWG and PU, frequently interrupted by internecine clashes including a "black chapter" (as the concerned organizations called it after the merger). In 1998 the PU merged with the PWG. Then in September 2004, the two "Maoist" formations merged to form the CPI(Maoist). The long process of centralization of semi-anarchist groups around two centres the MCCI and PWG was thus brought to culmination. The quantitative growth and enhanced strength led to a qualitative leap too: the unified body started its solitary journey tangentially away from the CPI(ML) trajectory as an anarcho-militarist current. .
In an unprincipled attempt to satisfy the cadre of the two organisations, both Charu Majumdar and Kanai Chatterjee were projected as co-founders of the new party! The two leaders who in their lifetimes consciously and resolutely avoided uniting in a single party were now posthumously compelled to do so by their followers! The post of general secretary went to PWG's comrade Ganapathy while the group agreed to drop the ML tag and with it the residual commitment to the CPI(ML) tradition, without, of course, saying it in so many words. The new organisation's ideological-political orientation came to be fully dominated by the MCC brand of Maoism. .
The primary immediate task announced by the new organisation in its first press communique was to transform the existing armed squads into a full-fledged People's liberation Army (PLA) and the existing guerrilla zones into base areas. But the first task that the world actually saw it taking up was a truce with the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh, a 'tactic' that backfired before long. After losing much of their old bases in AP at the hands of the YSR government, which ironically they had helped to come to power, they concentrated their activities in relatively newer areas like Dantewada in Chhattisgarh, Koraput-Rayagada region in Orissa and the Bankura-Purulia-Medinipur belt in West Bengal. .
Maoist Sect vis-à-vis Revolutionary Communist Party .
The most conspicuous common feature of these Maoist strongholds is that both in terms of terrain (mountainous and forest areas) and socio-economic conditions (the historic alienation of tribal communities from the economic, political and socio-cultural lifelines of India) these regions are very suitable for armed skirmishes with the state. This advantage has always prompted the MCC, PWG and later the CPI (Maoist) to flock into such areas, leaving behind the peasantry and other toilers in the vast plains. Moreover, in recent years these regeions have witnessed increased intrusion and oppression by the corporate-state nexus in search of minerals and other resources. The age-old tribal alienation is thus developing into an explosive situation pregnant with prospects of an adivasi rebellion of 21st-century (taking a dangerous turn in the words of the Prime Minister of India). The Maoists have successfully buildt on these objective factors, but in the process they have turned their backs entirely on their communist past and ended up as a rebellious sect based in just one section of the Indian people and working on a single-point .
.