PaRCha - JNU - AISA chits - 2010 ID-11481
.
Critique of Gandhian Leadership.
.
"I have said that the present movement... is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure..
.
I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena..
This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly.
the latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in.
the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to.
tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achieve-.
ment of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi.
declared: "we must not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the factory proletariat.".
(The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli.
resolution of 1922 clearly depicts the horror the leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class rising to shake.
off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the yoke of the landlords..
.
It is clear that our leaders prefer a surrender to the British than to the peasantry....".
.
The War that exists at the heart of our `democracy'.
.
In Bhagat Singh ini·al wri·ngs, there is an inclina·on towards anarchism and revolu·onary terrorism, but he was quick to.
recognize and grasp the superior revolu·onary essence of Marxism. He spoke of the indispensable need for an organized.
communist party and the centrality of a communist poli·cs for independence and socialism. He emphasized the proper.
combina·on of all forms of struggle and prepared a dra· revolu·onary programme that was marked by a consistent and.
comprehensive revolu·onary approach..
.
The India of Bhagat Singh's dreams was no ram rajya, nor an idealized world of milk and honey. He warned against the terri-.
fying dangers of communal poli·cs and spoke in no uncertain terms against the brutal reali·es of caste oppression..
.
The India that we live in today is no longer a Bri·sh colony and the sun has long set on the Bri·sh Empire. It is, however, the.
land of the brown sahibs that Bhagat Singh warned against. 70% of our people live on less than 20 rupees a day, but our rulers.
are far too busy a!ending banquets organized by the US President, leader of the biggest imperialist power in the world. Our.
sovereignty has been mortgaged to foreign interests. Love for the country has been redefined as `love for the corporates'. Vast.
enclaves of land are being given over as tax-free havens of corporate loot and plunder. When people suffer, the state turns a.
blind eye; when they protest, it turns a deaf ear. A state of war has been declared: it goes by the name of `Opera·on Green.
Hunt' whose targets are the poorest people: the dalits and the adivasis of our land. The Indian state today is as unafraid as.
its colonial predecessor to shoot down people when they raise the flag of protest..
.
From Bhagat Singh's last "Petition to the Punjab governor":.
.
"Let us declare that the state of war does exist and shall exist so long as the Indian toiling masses and the natural.
resources are being exploited by a handful of parasites. They may be purely British Capitalist or mixed British and.
Indian or even purely Indian. ... All these things make no difference. ... The war shall continue..
It may assume different shapes at different times. It may become now open, now hidden, now purely agitational,.
now fierce life and death struggle. It shall be waged ever with new vigour, greater audacity and unflinching deter-.
mination till the Socialist Republic is established and ... every sort of exploitation is put an end to and the humanity.
is ushered into the era of genuine and permanent peace.".
.
The face of freedom.
.
Yet Bhagat Singh lives on in the struggles of our ·mes and the cry of "Inquilab Zindabad" s·ll resounds. Beyond the films,.
beyond the statues in parliament, beyond the a!empts of India's ruling class to subvert Bhagat Singh's revolu·onary legacy,.
his memory endures. It has lived on in Kayyur and Punnapra-Vayalar, in Tebhaga and Telengana, in Naxalbari, Srikakulam,.
Bhojpur and Nandigram..
.
Bhagat Singh's na·onalism began with the students and the youth. He urged that they should go deep among the masses,.
to the colonies of workers and hamlets of the rural poor. For all those of us who wish to fight for an An·-imperialist and.
pro-people patrio·sm, Bhagat Singh is the face of that freedom. For those of us who wish to raise the voice of protest against.
imperialist agendas, against corporate loot, against draconian laws, against caste violence, religious fundamentalism and.
patriarchy, Bhagat Singh provides us energy and inspira·on..
.
We remember also the words of Com. Chandrashekhar, who responded to a ques·on asked to him during the JNUSU Presiden·al.
debate with the fearless reply: `Yes, I have ambi!ons. My ambi!ons are to live like Bhagat Singh and die like Che Guevara!'.
.
To speak of Bhagat Singh-Sukhdev-Rajguru, to speak of revolu·onary poet Avtar Singh Paash, to speak of Chandrasekhar.
is to reclaim our history, to make it our own, to declare this country is ours; it does not belong to imperialist capital or its.
indigenous agents. It is to declare that while we are witness to the suffering of our struggling people, we shall also bear.
witness to their libera·on!.
.
Shephalika Sucheta.
President, AISA, JNU Gen. Secy, AISA, JNU.
..
PaRCha - JNU - AISA chits - 2010 ID-11481
.
Critique of Gandhian Leadership.
.
"I have said that the present movement... is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure..
.
I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena..
This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly.
the latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in.
the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to.
tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achieve-.
ment of what our leaders aim at. After his first experience with the Ahmedabad labourers in 1920 Mahatma Gandhi.
declared: "we must not tamper with the labourers. It is dangerous to make political use of the factory proletariat.".
(The Times, May 1921). Since then, they never dared to approach them. There remains the peasantry. The Bardoli.
resolution of 1922 clearly depicts the horror the leaders felt when they saw the gigantic peasant class rising to shake.
off not only the domination of an alien nation but also the yoke of the landlords..
.
It is clear that our leaders prefer a surrender to the British than to the peasantry....".
.
The War that exists at the heart of our `democracy'.
.
In Bhagat Singh ini·al wri·ngs, there is an inclina·on towards anarchism and revolu·onary terrorism, but he was quick to.
recognize and grasp the superior revolu·onary essence of Marxism. He spoke of the indispensable need for an organized.
communist party and the centrality of a communist poli·cs for independence and socialism. He emphasized the proper.
combina·on of all forms of struggle and prepared a dra· revolu·onary programme that was marked by a consistent and.
comprehensive revolu·onary approach..
.
The India of Bhagat Singh's dreams was no ram rajya, nor an idealized world of milk and honey. He warned against the terri-.
fying dangers of communal poli·cs and spoke in no uncertain terms against the brutal reali·es of caste oppression..
.
The India that we live in today is no longer a Bri·sh colony and the sun has long set on the Bri·sh Empire. It is, however, the.
land of the brown sahibs that Bhagat Singh warned against. 70% of our people live on less than 20 rupees a day, but our rulers.
are far too busy a!ending banquets organized by the US President, leader of the biggest imperialist power in the world. Our.
sovereignty has been mortgaged to foreign interests. Love for the country has been redefined as `love for the corporates'. Vast.
enclaves of land are being given over as tax-free havens of corporate loot and plunder. When people suffer, the state turns a.
blind eye; when they protest, it turns a deaf ear. A state of war has been declared: it goes by the name of `Opera·on Green.
Hunt' whose targets are the poorest people: the dalits and the adivasis of our land. The Indian state today is as unafraid as.
its colonial predecessor to shoot down people when they raise the flag of protest..
.
From Bhagat Singh's last "Petition to the Punjab governor":.
.
"Let us declare that the state of war does exist and shall exist so long as the Indian toiling masses and the natural.
resources are being exploited by a handful of parasites. They may be purely British Capitalist or mixed British and.
Indian or even purely Indian. ... All these things make no difference. ... The war shall continue..
It may assume different shapes at different times. It may become now open, now hidden, now purely agitational,.
now fierce life and death struggle. It shall be waged ever with new vigour, greater audacity and unflinching deter-.
mination till the Socialist Republic is established and ... every sort of exploitation is put an end to and the humanity.
is ushered into the era of genuine and permanent peace.".
.
The face of freedom.
.
Yet Bhagat Singh lives on in the struggles of our ·mes and the cry of "Inquilab Zindabad" s·ll resounds. Beyond the films,.
beyond the statues in parliament, beyond the a!empts of India's ruling class to subvert Bhagat Singh's revolu·onary legacy,.
his memory endures. It has lived on in Kayyur and Punnapra-Vayalar, in Tebhaga and Telengana, in Naxalbari, Srikakulam,.
Bhojpur and Nandigram..
.
Bhagat Singh's na·onalism began with the students and the youth. He urged that they should go deep among the masses,.
to the colonies of workers and hamlets of the rural poor. For all those of us who wish to fight for an An·-imperialist and.
pro-people patrio·sm, Bhagat Singh is the face of that freedom. For those of us who wish to raise the voice of protest against.
imperialist agendas, against corporate loot, against draconian laws, against caste violence, religious fundamentalism and.
patriarchy, Bhagat Singh provides us energy and inspira·on..
.
We remember also the words of Com. Chandrashekhar, who responded to a ques·on asked to him during the JNUSU Presiden·al.
debate with the fearless reply: `Yes, I have ambi!ons. My ambi!ons are to live like Bhagat Singh and die like Che Guevara!'.
.
To speak of Bhagat Singh-Sukhdev-Rajguru, to speak of revolu·onary poet Avtar Singh Paash, to speak of Chandrasekhar.
is to reclaim our history, to make it our own, to declare this country is ours; it does not belong to imperialist capital or its.
indigenous agents. It is to declare that while we are witness to the suffering of our struggling people, we shall also bear.
witness to their libera·on!.
.
Shephalika Sucheta.
President, AISA, JNU Gen. Secy, AISA, JNU.
..