John Britcher, Died at El Alamein, October 1942
In Treasured memories of
KAUSKI
The beloved husband of
AMY BRITCHER
Died Dec. 17th 1935,
Aged 48 years.
Also AMY, his wife
Died April 20th 1981
Aged 93 years
Also of their children
JOHN
Killed at El Alamein Oct. 24th – 25th 1942
Aged 21 years
And JOAN AMY,
Died June 2????
Aged 36 years.
BRITCHER, JOHN EDWARD
Rank:………………………….......Private
Service No:…………………….5783208
Date of Death:……………….25/10/1942
Age:…………………………….....21
Regiment:………………………The Queen's Royal Regiment (West Surrey)
………………………………….......1/5th Bn.
Panel Reference:……………Column 54.
Memorial:………………………..ALAMEIN MEMORIAL
Additional Information:
Son of Kawski and Amy Louise Britcher, of Norwich.
CWGC: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/2119865/BRITCHER,%20J...
The Army Roll of Honour 1939-1945 records that Private 5783208 John E Britcher died serving in the Middle East Theatre of War with The Queens Royal Regiment (West Surrey) on the 25th October 1942. He was born and resident Norwich.
John is remembered on the Hellesdon War Memorial, to the north of the city.
(See comment box below for picture link)
No obvious Soldiers Will or Civil Probate for this man.
1886 /87 – Birth of Kawski Britcher
The birth of a “Kowski” Britcher was registered with the Civil Authorities in the District of Norwich in the January to March quarter, (Q1), of 1887.
1887 / 88 – Birth of Amy Louise
This is calculated from her age on the headstone. However from the marriage and subsequent childrens births details there is some confusion as to Amy’s maiden name – see below.
The only likely Amy “Louisa” Chapman as far as births in England and Wales are concerned was born in the Pancras District of London in the January to March quarter, (Q1), of 1888.
There was however an Amy Louise Crisp whose birth was registered in the Norwich District in the July to September quarter, (Q3), of 1887.
When Amy Louisa Britcher died in 1981 the published index of deaths included the information that she was born 3rd July 1887.
1891 Census of England and Wales
The 4 year old “Coskie” Britcher, born Norwich, was recorded living at Albert Tavern, 57 Devonshire Street, Norwich. This was the household of his parents, Edward, (aged 37, a Licensed Victualler and Bricklayer, born Norwich) and Emma, (aged 37, born Norwich). As well as Corski the couples other children living with them are:-
Thomas…aged 14….born Norwich…occupation ?Pub?
Edward….aged 12….born Norwich…occupation ?Pub?
Emma……aged 10…born Norwich
Florence…aged 8…..born Norwich
Ethel…….aged 6……born Norwich
Ellen…….aged 5……born Norwich
Charles….aged 2……born Norwich
Mary A….aged 1……born Norwich
The most likely match for his future wife is the 4 year old Amy L Crisp, born Norwich, who was recorded living at 5 Otley Road, Shipley, West Yorkshire. This was the household of her parents, John, (aged 51, a Greengrocer from Norwich), and Hannah, (aged 35, born Sprowston, Norfolk). Amy has two older brothers living with her, Herbert, (16) and Arthur A, (15) both born Norwich and both working as Mill Hands.
1901 Census of England and Wales
On the Genealogy site I use for census look-ups, the family surname has been mis-transcribed as “Butcher”, although looking at a scan of the original return, its very easy to understand why. The family were still living at 57 Devonshire Street, but father Edward, (48), is now only recorded as a Bricklayer. He lives there with his wife Emma, (48) and their children Emma, (20, Boot Machinist), Florence, (18, Tailoress), Ethel, (16, Tailoress), Ellen, (15, Boot Machinist), “Rawski”, (14, Errand Boy), Charles, (12), Maryann, (10), May?, (8) and John, (3) – all born Norwich.
The Crisp family have now moved back to Norwich and were living at 61 Heath Road. As well as parents John, (64, Greengrocer) and Hannah, (45) there are children Amy, (13) and Walter, (8, born Shipley).
1911 Census of England and Wales
The Butcher family were now living at 2 Eade Road, Norwich. Parents Edward Thomas, (57, Bricklayer & Plasterer) and Emma, (57), have been married 24 years and have had 11 children, all of which were then still alive. Children still single and living at home were Ellen, (25, Trouser Hand in a Clothing Factory), Kawski, (24, Bricklayer & Plasterer), Mary, (21, Boot Fitter), May, (17, Boot Machinist) and John, (13).
The Crisp family were at 1 Shorncliffe Street, Junction Road, Norwich. Parents John, (72, retired Greengrocer, born St Giles, Norwich) and Hannah, (56), have been married 27 years and have had 2 children of their own, both then still alive. These were Amy “Louisa”, (23), a Boot Shop Assistant, and Walter, (18, Currier). They also have a young Anglican clergyman boarding with them.
Great War
A 28 year old Kawski Britcher enlisted at Great Yarmouth in 1916 and saw service with the Royal Engineers. His service number was 108684.
familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QVBR-2SDW
There is no likely Medal Index Card for that soldier, so its almost certain he saw service on the home front only.
1920 Marriage
The marriage of a Kawski Britcher to an Amy L. Chapman was recorded in the Norwich District in the October to November quarter, (Q4), of 1920.
Until September 1911 the quarterly index published by the General Registrars Office did not show information about the mothers maiden name. A check of the General Registrars Office Index of Birth for England and Wales 1911 – 1983 shows no children registered with the surname Britcher, mothers maiden name Chapman, anywhere in England and Wales before 1966. Tracking down the birth of John E. K Britcher in the July to September quarter of 1921 in the Norwich District shows his mothers maiden name was Crisp. And a further check of the index shows only one other match for this combination – a Joan A Britcher whose birth was registered with the Civil Authorities in the Norwich District in the July to September quarter, (Q3), of 1924.
The most likely explanation was that Amy had been widowed and indeed there was a marriage of an Amy L Crisp to a Frank R Chapman in the St Faiths District of Norfolk in the October to December quarter, (Q4) of 1912. However I could not find a likely death for Frank either in the war or in the Civil deaths registers for England and Wales or the Civil Probate Calendar.
1935
The death of the 49 year Kawski Britcher was recorded in the Norwich District in the October to December quarter, (Q4), of 1935.
The 1936 Probate Calendar records that “Kowski” Britcher of 134 Dereham Road, Norwich, died on the 17th December 1935. Administration was granted at the Norwich Court on the 9th March 1936 to Amu Lou Britcher, widow. His effects were valued at £1,537 18s 11d.
probatesearch.service.gov.uk/Calendar?surname=Britcher&am...
There is no obvious record on the 1939 register for John Britcher. The 1939 National Register was a mini-census which was used to do a stocktake of the nations skills, (with the view to making best use of the available resources in the event of war) and as the basis for the issue of ID cards and ration books.
On the day
An elaborate deception programme was instituted with dummy stores dumps, dummy vehicle parks and tank units, a dummy fresh water pipeline, and enhanced wireless activity in the XIII Corps area. 8th Armoured Division was disbanded, but its Headquarters staff continued to maintain bogus communications traffic and simulate the movement of units in order to give the impression that the armoured component of XIII Corps had been reinforced. Somehow Axis reconnaissance aircraft always found it easier to penetrate the southern sector than to cross over into the northern sector; and of course the twin peaks of Himeimat had conveniently been left in enemy hands after the battle of Alam Halfa, from which there was a large area of visual observation! The basic ambiguity about all these helpful observation facilities available to the enemy was that the ex-British forward minefield February now formed the main Axis defensive minefield in this sector; the ex-British minefield January was now the enemy’s forward minefield; and XIII Corps had been forced to set out two additional minefields, Nuts and May, for their own defence. This made it difficult for any serious attack to be concealed, and furthermore meant that approach marches became extended affairs.
The specific task of 131 Brigade was to form bridgeheads beyond the January and February minefields between Deir El Munassib and Himeimat through which the 44th Recce Regiment, a unit equipped entirely with carriers, would pass, to be followed through by units of the 22nd Armoured Brigade as the situation permitted. If a clean breakthrough was achieved, then the armoured cars, Stuarts and Grants of the 4th Light Armoured Brigade could be sent through to drive west to the Jebel Kalakh and the Taqa Plateau. The actual gaps through the minefields would be made by Matilda tanks fitted with flails, known as Scorpions. An elaborate deception programme was instituted with dummy stores dumps, dummy vehicle parks and tank units, a dummy fresh water pipeline, and enhanced wireless activity in the XIII Corps area. 8th Armoured Division was disbanded, but its Headquarters staff continued to maintain bogus communications traffic and simulate the movement of units in order to give the impression that the armoured component of XIII Corps had been reinforced. Somehow Axis reconnaissance aircraft always found it easier to penetrate the southern sector than to cross over into the northern sector; and of course the twin peaks of Himeimat had conveniently been left in enemy hands after the battle of Alam Halfa, from which there was a large area of visual observation! The basic ambiguity about all these helpful observation facilities available to the enemy was that the ex-British forward minefield February now formed the main Axis defensive minefield in this sector; the ex-British minefield January was now the enemy’s forward minefield; and XIII Corps had been forced to set out two additional minefields, Nuts and May, for their own defence. This made it difficult for any serious attack to be concealed, and furthermore meant that approach marches became extended affairs.
The specific task of 131 Brigade was to form bridgeheads beyond the January and February minefields between Deir El Munassib and Himeimat through which the 44th Recce Regiment, a unit equipped entirely with carriers, would pass, to be followed through by units of the 22nd Armoured Brigade as the situation permitted. If a clean breakthrough was achieved, then the armoured cars, Stuarts and Grants of the 4th Light Armoured Brigade could be sent through to drive west to the Jebel Kalakh and the Taqa Plateau. The actual gaps through the minefields would be made by Matilda tanks fitted with flails, known as Scorpions.The 1/7th Queen’s was detailed for the attack through January as the first phase of the operation, whilst 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s would then come up on the left to cross February and form a bridgehead on the far side. The battle along the whole front was scheduled to start on the night of the 23rd/24th October during the full moon.
The 1/7th Queen’s had suffered heavily in their battle against the Folgore and German 22nd Parachute Brigade units manning this part of the line. Lt Col Burton and four other officers had been killed or died of wounds, and six officers were wounded, with 179 other ranks killed, wounded or missing. However, they had secured the right flank of the XIII Corps attack, and the Royal Engineers attached to the Battalion were the first to clear a gap through the January minefield and most of the 5th Royal Tank Regiment went through.
Although the southernmost gap breached the February minefield too during the night, the light armour which got through suffered such heavy losses that the situation could not be exploited. Moreover the surviving sappers and Scorpions were now not numerous enough to complete their tasks through February before daylight, so the 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s were not brought up to begin the second phase of guarding a bridgehead beyond February.
At about 11am Brigadier Frith and the commanding officers of the 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s went to meet Major General A.F.’John’ Harding, GOC 7th Armoured Division, and were informed of a change of plan, which involved an attack by the remaining two battalions of the Brigade that night in order to deal with the enemy positions on the far side of February; establish a firm bridgehead; and to take their carriers and antitank guns through the two northern gaps in front of the armour, so that the tank units could debouch on the other side of the minefield as originally planned for the first night. For this operation 131 Brigade was to come under command 7th Armoured Division. Warning orders were issued to the two battalions, and the brigade commander and the two commanding officers were taken up in tanks to view the ground. A plan was then made to attack on an 800 yard front with 1/5th Queen’s on the right and 1/6th Queen’s on the left. Each battalion was to have a frontage of 400 yards, the axis of advance being gap No. 2, which was also to be the battalions’ boundary (inclusive to 1/6th Queen’s). The start line was to be some 400 yards beyond January, marked by a line of Grant tanks from the Scots Greys. Zero hour was set at 9pm, but the distances to the forming up points by march route, the arranging of an evening meal, liaison with the Royal Engineers and artillery in a strange division, led almost inevitably to a postponement of 11/2 hours.
Both battalions were in position 300 yards behind the start line at 10.15pm, and got off to an excellent start behind the barrage. Because of the good knowledge now available of the enemy’s deployment, it was possible to divide the artillery support into three parts; a reduced moving barrage, thus cutting down the amount of dust and smoke which had so hindered 1/7th Queen’s attack; concentrations on known enemy positions; and counter battery fire. 1/6th Queen’s had suffered a number of casualties from anti-personnel mines crossing January, including three officers wounded, but 1/5th Queen’s had used gap No. I through January and was unscathed. However, both battalions began to suffer casualties from the barrage, reporting that at least one gun was falling short, lifting late, or both. Each battalion advanced ‘two up’, with 1/5th Queen’s ‘A’ Company forward right, ‘B’ Company forward left, followed by ‘C’ Company behind ‘A’ Company and ‘D’ Company on the left, whilst 1/6th Queen’s had their ‘D’ Company forward right, ‘C’ Company forward left, ‘A’ Company right rear and ‘B’ Company left rear.
At about 11pm the minefield was reached and crossed with little or no opposition from the enemy, although 1/5th Queen’s, in particular, suffered a few casualties from anti-personnel mines and some random shellfire. Major R.E. Clarke, the Battalion 2i/c, was one of those hit by shellfire and died later in hospital. During the crossing of the minefield it became increasingly difficult to keep touch owing to the smoke and dust, and the inner flanks of the two battalions became a bit mixed. On the far side, however, some enemy positions were encountered and overrun, with a number of prisoners taken. After advancing about 800 yards beyond February both battalions halted and attempted to dig in. 1/5th Queen’s were unfortunate in having an enemy machine-gun about 200 yards to their right front, with another enemy post nearby. Every effort was made to capture these, but they were too well sited, and the second post was wired in as well. As a result movement became impossible, and companies had to dig in lying flat on the ground. Much the same happened to 1/6th Queen’s, who were subjected to particularly heavy mortar fire.
The sappers succeeded in clearing the two gaps through the minefield by the early hours of the morning, and at about 2.30am the tanks of the 4th County of London Yeomanry began negotiating the gaps, although the pickets on which the lamps were mounted were too far apart and the spaces between were not filled with wire, which was the usual practice. As a result some of the tanks lost their way and wandered off the cleared path, blowing up in the minefield. Other tanks were knocked out by anti-tank guns sited beyond the Queen’s positions. In all the 4th County of London Yeomanry lost twenty-six of their tanks together with their commanding officer and 2i/c. South of gap No. 2 an 88mm gun was firing along the edge of the minefield, hitting tanks of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment as they came through. Highly conscious of the need to conserve his armour, Major General Harding stopped their further attempts to pass through February. This left the two Queen’s battalions out in the open with no armour to support them, subjected to heavy mortar, machine-gun and rifle fire. In fact, since the armoured units retired back through January so as not to be exposed for a second day between the two minefields, the battalions were left some 2,000 yards in advance of the nearest support.
The Queen’s positions were so exposed that it was impossible for men to raise their heads above ground in most areas, and it was, therefore, very difficult to obtain any accurate picture of events during the hours of daylight. 2/Lt P.B. Kingsford was a platoon commander in ‘A’ Company of the 1/5th Queen’s, and spent most of the day pinned down by machine-gun fire. He has written the following account of his experiences during the 25th October :-
“The 1/6th Queen’s were on our left but were being heavily mortared during the 25th. No tanks got through to support us as the gap in the minefield was being enfiladed from El Himeimat (‘two pimples’) which had been recaptured by the Germans.
The first sign of hope was when in the evening Italian parachutists in front of my platoon surrendered. I was short of men and sent my runner (Keohane by name) back with twenty-odd POWS!
The 1/6th Battalion thought we were being made prisoners and, as a result of heavy mortar fire, they were captured. After this all the mortars came on us and we had severe casualties. We could not go forward as German parachutists had taken over the Italian pill boxes, so Colonel East decided to make a dash back when darkness came, but things got so bad that he and a handful left before dark.
I had been shot through the leg and shrapnel went into my left thigh, and I was picked up next morning and taken to enemy trenches in the rear (which we had passed earlier). When I got up, I noticed a mortar bomb stuck in the rock an inch or two from my head! It had not gone off and, in retrospect, I realised I had been temporarily unconscious when it landed.”
Many years later Paul Kingsford heard from the Ministry of Defence that Pte C.M. Keohane had been killed on that day. He can only presume that Keohane detonated a mine whilst making his way back to the platoon. The capture of some of the 1/6th that he describes probably refers to the incident when Lt Col D.L.A. Gibbs and most of his Battalion Headquarters staff were taken prisoner together with Capt I.P. Thomson and Major G.J. Collins. Lt Col Dennis Gibbs and Capt Ian Thomson escaped from their prison camp in Italy and both took an active part in the later stages of the war. Paul Kingsford spent two and a half years in prison camps in Italy and Germany.
Pte S. Gray was Lt A.C.F. Norman’s batman in 1/6th Queen’s. He remembered Lt Norman as being such a proficient officer that he always passed with top marks when he went on courses, and always got his platoon to the right place! He wrote :-
“We moved up to where the tanks were, waiting for the off. The time came for us to fix bayonets and get to the tapes. We moved off. The creeping barrage started and in no time at all there was screaming and crying out in pain as the men were walking on the anti-personnel mines. Our artillery was screaming over our heads. After a while, you could not say we got used to it, but I think our minds just blocked out all the noise, and we carried on as if we were on a stunt back home.
Going through the minefield I had a chap at the side of me with a tommy-gun. The first trench load of the enemy we came across the chap with the tommy-gun just opened up on them. They were lying on top of one another. They had no fight in them. I left him and went forward and came across another trench full. They were long trenches and held about 20 odd soldiers. They were all kneeling and leaning on one another. I would not have got any pleasure out of shooting them in the back, so I shouted and swore at them to get out. We were not allowed to take POWs back, nor were we allowed to take our wounded back. What I wanted, if I got them all out, would be to point in the direction I wanted them to go. Unfortunately for them, in front of us behind the dannert wire, the Germans were on the high ground and could see at least our shadows if not us. Then a shell came over and landed right on the enemy. It blew them to pieces, yet I felt nothing. So I moved forward and ran into some machine-gun fire. I hit the deck and my officer was at the side of me. Every time I tried to move there was more fire. In fact it was impossible to move without being shot to pieces.
So after quite a long while lying in the open not daring to move, it was on the point of getting light. So I said to the officer, ‘It’s coming up to sun-up. Then they will pick us off’. He said, ‘Pass the word around, every man for himself, and find a hole to get into’. Strange as it seems, a cloud came over the moon, which gave us the chance to move. But as we did so, over came mortars and shells and got some of the chaps. I and another chap found an empty German trench. Mortars and shells kept coming in our direction.
Eventually we got back to our lines. There were only three of us who had been at the dannert wire and got back. They were Lt Norman, Alf Doyle, who came from Holborn in London, and myself.”
During the day General Montgomery authorised XIII Corps to break off the attack. The Queen’s battalions were much too exposed to be of any further value, and Lt Col East and Major F.A.H. Wilson, who had taken over command of 1/6th Queen’s, made arrangements for a withdrawal through February. On arrival back, however, they were told that 132 Brigade was to take over the position behind February, and the whole of 131 Brigade was taken out that night to a position behind Nuts minefield. The initial part of the withdrawals were carried out under intense fire, and much hampered by the lack of effective communications.
Once again the casualties had been severe. 1/5th Queen’s lost one officer killed, four officers wounded, three officers missing, with other rank casualties of 10 killed, 47 wounded and 53 missing. 1/6th Queen’s had three officers killed, four wounded and three missing (known to have been taken prisoner) with 5 men killed, 42 wounded and 142 missing. Many of the missing eventually proved to have been killed or wounded.
www.queensroyalsurreys.org.uk/ww2/middle_east/qme015.html
There is no Obvious Soldiers Will or Civil Probate for John.
Postscript
The death of his sister, Joan A Britcher, aged 36, was recorded in the Norwich Outer District in the April to June quarter, (Q2), of 1961.
The 1961 Probate Calendar records that Joan Amy Britcher, spinster, of 13 Eversley Road, Upper Hellesdon, Norfolk, died on the 25th June 1961. Administration was granted at the Norwich Court on the 6th October to Amy Louisa Britcher, widow. Her effects were valued at £1,045.
probatesearch.service.gov.uk/Calendar#calendar
The death of Amy Louise Britcher, born 3rd July 1887, was recorded in the Norwich District in the April to June quarter, (Q2), of 1981.
The 1981 Probate Calendar records that Amy Louise Britcher, of The Walnuts, 149 Dereham Road, Norwich, died on the 20th April 1981. Probate was granted at the Ipswich Court on the 17th August. Her estate was valued at £28,565.
probatesearch.service.gov.uk/Calendar#calendar
John Britcher, Died at El Alamein, October 1942
In Treasured memories of
KAUSKI
The beloved husband of
AMY BRITCHER
Died Dec. 17th 1935,
Aged 48 years.
Also AMY, his wife
Died April 20th 1981
Aged 93 years
Also of their children
JOHN
Killed at El Alamein Oct. 24th – 25th 1942
Aged 21 years
And JOAN AMY,
Died June 2????
Aged 36 years.
BRITCHER, JOHN EDWARD
Rank:………………………….......Private
Service No:…………………….5783208
Date of Death:……………….25/10/1942
Age:…………………………….....21
Regiment:………………………The Queen's Royal Regiment (West Surrey)
………………………………….......1/5th Bn.
Panel Reference:……………Column 54.
Memorial:………………………..ALAMEIN MEMORIAL
Additional Information:
Son of Kawski and Amy Louise Britcher, of Norwich.
CWGC: www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/2119865/BRITCHER,%20J...
The Army Roll of Honour 1939-1945 records that Private 5783208 John E Britcher died serving in the Middle East Theatre of War with The Queens Royal Regiment (West Surrey) on the 25th October 1942. He was born and resident Norwich.
John is remembered on the Hellesdon War Memorial, to the north of the city.
(See comment box below for picture link)
No obvious Soldiers Will or Civil Probate for this man.
1886 /87 – Birth of Kawski Britcher
The birth of a “Kowski” Britcher was registered with the Civil Authorities in the District of Norwich in the January to March quarter, (Q1), of 1887.
1887 / 88 – Birth of Amy Louise
This is calculated from her age on the headstone. However from the marriage and subsequent childrens births details there is some confusion as to Amy’s maiden name – see below.
The only likely Amy “Louisa” Chapman as far as births in England and Wales are concerned was born in the Pancras District of London in the January to March quarter, (Q1), of 1888.
There was however an Amy Louise Crisp whose birth was registered in the Norwich District in the July to September quarter, (Q3), of 1887.
When Amy Louisa Britcher died in 1981 the published index of deaths included the information that she was born 3rd July 1887.
1891 Census of England and Wales
The 4 year old “Coskie” Britcher, born Norwich, was recorded living at Albert Tavern, 57 Devonshire Street, Norwich. This was the household of his parents, Edward, (aged 37, a Licensed Victualler and Bricklayer, born Norwich) and Emma, (aged 37, born Norwich). As well as Corski the couples other children living with them are:-
Thomas…aged 14….born Norwich…occupation ?Pub?
Edward….aged 12….born Norwich…occupation ?Pub?
Emma……aged 10…born Norwich
Florence…aged 8…..born Norwich
Ethel…….aged 6……born Norwich
Ellen…….aged 5……born Norwich
Charles….aged 2……born Norwich
Mary A….aged 1……born Norwich
The most likely match for his future wife is the 4 year old Amy L Crisp, born Norwich, who was recorded living at 5 Otley Road, Shipley, West Yorkshire. This was the household of her parents, John, (aged 51, a Greengrocer from Norwich), and Hannah, (aged 35, born Sprowston, Norfolk). Amy has two older brothers living with her, Herbert, (16) and Arthur A, (15) both born Norwich and both working as Mill Hands.
1901 Census of England and Wales
On the Genealogy site I use for census look-ups, the family surname has been mis-transcribed as “Butcher”, although looking at a scan of the original return, its very easy to understand why. The family were still living at 57 Devonshire Street, but father Edward, (48), is now only recorded as a Bricklayer. He lives there with his wife Emma, (48) and their children Emma, (20, Boot Machinist), Florence, (18, Tailoress), Ethel, (16, Tailoress), Ellen, (15, Boot Machinist), “Rawski”, (14, Errand Boy), Charles, (12), Maryann, (10), May?, (8) and John, (3) – all born Norwich.
The Crisp family have now moved back to Norwich and were living at 61 Heath Road. As well as parents John, (64, Greengrocer) and Hannah, (45) there are children Amy, (13) and Walter, (8, born Shipley).
1911 Census of England and Wales
The Butcher family were now living at 2 Eade Road, Norwich. Parents Edward Thomas, (57, Bricklayer & Plasterer) and Emma, (57), have been married 24 years and have had 11 children, all of which were then still alive. Children still single and living at home were Ellen, (25, Trouser Hand in a Clothing Factory), Kawski, (24, Bricklayer & Plasterer), Mary, (21, Boot Fitter), May, (17, Boot Machinist) and John, (13).
The Crisp family were at 1 Shorncliffe Street, Junction Road, Norwich. Parents John, (72, retired Greengrocer, born St Giles, Norwich) and Hannah, (56), have been married 27 years and have had 2 children of their own, both then still alive. These were Amy “Louisa”, (23), a Boot Shop Assistant, and Walter, (18, Currier). They also have a young Anglican clergyman boarding with them.
Great War
A 28 year old Kawski Britcher enlisted at Great Yarmouth in 1916 and saw service with the Royal Engineers. His service number was 108684.
familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:QVBR-2SDW
There is no likely Medal Index Card for that soldier, so its almost certain he saw service on the home front only.
1920 Marriage
The marriage of a Kawski Britcher to an Amy L. Chapman was recorded in the Norwich District in the October to November quarter, (Q4), of 1920.
Until September 1911 the quarterly index published by the General Registrars Office did not show information about the mothers maiden name. A check of the General Registrars Office Index of Birth for England and Wales 1911 – 1983 shows no children registered with the surname Britcher, mothers maiden name Chapman, anywhere in England and Wales before 1966. Tracking down the birth of John E. K Britcher in the July to September quarter of 1921 in the Norwich District shows his mothers maiden name was Crisp. And a further check of the index shows only one other match for this combination – a Joan A Britcher whose birth was registered with the Civil Authorities in the Norwich District in the July to September quarter, (Q3), of 1924.
The most likely explanation was that Amy had been widowed and indeed there was a marriage of an Amy L Crisp to a Frank R Chapman in the St Faiths District of Norfolk in the October to December quarter, (Q4) of 1912. However I could not find a likely death for Frank either in the war or in the Civil deaths registers for England and Wales or the Civil Probate Calendar.
1935
The death of the 49 year Kawski Britcher was recorded in the Norwich District in the October to December quarter, (Q4), of 1935.
The 1936 Probate Calendar records that “Kowski” Britcher of 134 Dereham Road, Norwich, died on the 17th December 1935. Administration was granted at the Norwich Court on the 9th March 1936 to Amu Lou Britcher, widow. His effects were valued at £1,537 18s 11d.
probatesearch.service.gov.uk/Calendar?surname=Britcher&am...
There is no obvious record on the 1939 register for John Britcher. The 1939 National Register was a mini-census which was used to do a stocktake of the nations skills, (with the view to making best use of the available resources in the event of war) and as the basis for the issue of ID cards and ration books.
On the day
An elaborate deception programme was instituted with dummy stores dumps, dummy vehicle parks and tank units, a dummy fresh water pipeline, and enhanced wireless activity in the XIII Corps area. 8th Armoured Division was disbanded, but its Headquarters staff continued to maintain bogus communications traffic and simulate the movement of units in order to give the impression that the armoured component of XIII Corps had been reinforced. Somehow Axis reconnaissance aircraft always found it easier to penetrate the southern sector than to cross over into the northern sector; and of course the twin peaks of Himeimat had conveniently been left in enemy hands after the battle of Alam Halfa, from which there was a large area of visual observation! The basic ambiguity about all these helpful observation facilities available to the enemy was that the ex-British forward minefield February now formed the main Axis defensive minefield in this sector; the ex-British minefield January was now the enemy’s forward minefield; and XIII Corps had been forced to set out two additional minefields, Nuts and May, for their own defence. This made it difficult for any serious attack to be concealed, and furthermore meant that approach marches became extended affairs.
The specific task of 131 Brigade was to form bridgeheads beyond the January and February minefields between Deir El Munassib and Himeimat through which the 44th Recce Regiment, a unit equipped entirely with carriers, would pass, to be followed through by units of the 22nd Armoured Brigade as the situation permitted. If a clean breakthrough was achieved, then the armoured cars, Stuarts and Grants of the 4th Light Armoured Brigade could be sent through to drive west to the Jebel Kalakh and the Taqa Plateau. The actual gaps through the minefields would be made by Matilda tanks fitted with flails, known as Scorpions. An elaborate deception programme was instituted with dummy stores dumps, dummy vehicle parks and tank units, a dummy fresh water pipeline, and enhanced wireless activity in the XIII Corps area. 8th Armoured Division was disbanded, but its Headquarters staff continued to maintain bogus communications traffic and simulate the movement of units in order to give the impression that the armoured component of XIII Corps had been reinforced. Somehow Axis reconnaissance aircraft always found it easier to penetrate the southern sector than to cross over into the northern sector; and of course the twin peaks of Himeimat had conveniently been left in enemy hands after the battle of Alam Halfa, from which there was a large area of visual observation! The basic ambiguity about all these helpful observation facilities available to the enemy was that the ex-British forward minefield February now formed the main Axis defensive minefield in this sector; the ex-British minefield January was now the enemy’s forward minefield; and XIII Corps had been forced to set out two additional minefields, Nuts and May, for their own defence. This made it difficult for any serious attack to be concealed, and furthermore meant that approach marches became extended affairs.
The specific task of 131 Brigade was to form bridgeheads beyond the January and February minefields between Deir El Munassib and Himeimat through which the 44th Recce Regiment, a unit equipped entirely with carriers, would pass, to be followed through by units of the 22nd Armoured Brigade as the situation permitted. If a clean breakthrough was achieved, then the armoured cars, Stuarts and Grants of the 4th Light Armoured Brigade could be sent through to drive west to the Jebel Kalakh and the Taqa Plateau. The actual gaps through the minefields would be made by Matilda tanks fitted with flails, known as Scorpions.The 1/7th Queen’s was detailed for the attack through January as the first phase of the operation, whilst 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s would then come up on the left to cross February and form a bridgehead on the far side. The battle along the whole front was scheduled to start on the night of the 23rd/24th October during the full moon.
The 1/7th Queen’s had suffered heavily in their battle against the Folgore and German 22nd Parachute Brigade units manning this part of the line. Lt Col Burton and four other officers had been killed or died of wounds, and six officers were wounded, with 179 other ranks killed, wounded or missing. However, they had secured the right flank of the XIII Corps attack, and the Royal Engineers attached to the Battalion were the first to clear a gap through the January minefield and most of the 5th Royal Tank Regiment went through.
Although the southernmost gap breached the February minefield too during the night, the light armour which got through suffered such heavy losses that the situation could not be exploited. Moreover the surviving sappers and Scorpions were now not numerous enough to complete their tasks through February before daylight, so the 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s were not brought up to begin the second phase of guarding a bridgehead beyond February.
At about 11am Brigadier Frith and the commanding officers of the 1/5th and 1/6th Queen’s went to meet Major General A.F.’John’ Harding, GOC 7th Armoured Division, and were informed of a change of plan, which involved an attack by the remaining two battalions of the Brigade that night in order to deal with the enemy positions on the far side of February; establish a firm bridgehead; and to take their carriers and antitank guns through the two northern gaps in front of the armour, so that the tank units could debouch on the other side of the minefield as originally planned for the first night. For this operation 131 Brigade was to come under command 7th Armoured Division. Warning orders were issued to the two battalions, and the brigade commander and the two commanding officers were taken up in tanks to view the ground. A plan was then made to attack on an 800 yard front with 1/5th Queen’s on the right and 1/6th Queen’s on the left. Each battalion was to have a frontage of 400 yards, the axis of advance being gap No. 2, which was also to be the battalions’ boundary (inclusive to 1/6th Queen’s). The start line was to be some 400 yards beyond January, marked by a line of Grant tanks from the Scots Greys. Zero hour was set at 9pm, but the distances to the forming up points by march route, the arranging of an evening meal, liaison with the Royal Engineers and artillery in a strange division, led almost inevitably to a postponement of 11/2 hours.
Both battalions were in position 300 yards behind the start line at 10.15pm, and got off to an excellent start behind the barrage. Because of the good knowledge now available of the enemy’s deployment, it was possible to divide the artillery support into three parts; a reduced moving barrage, thus cutting down the amount of dust and smoke which had so hindered 1/7th Queen’s attack; concentrations on known enemy positions; and counter battery fire. 1/6th Queen’s had suffered a number of casualties from anti-personnel mines crossing January, including three officers wounded, but 1/5th Queen’s had used gap No. I through January and was unscathed. However, both battalions began to suffer casualties from the barrage, reporting that at least one gun was falling short, lifting late, or both. Each battalion advanced ‘two up’, with 1/5th Queen’s ‘A’ Company forward right, ‘B’ Company forward left, followed by ‘C’ Company behind ‘A’ Company and ‘D’ Company on the left, whilst 1/6th Queen’s had their ‘D’ Company forward right, ‘C’ Company forward left, ‘A’ Company right rear and ‘B’ Company left rear.
At about 11pm the minefield was reached and crossed with little or no opposition from the enemy, although 1/5th Queen’s, in particular, suffered a few casualties from anti-personnel mines and some random shellfire. Major R.E. Clarke, the Battalion 2i/c, was one of those hit by shellfire and died later in hospital. During the crossing of the minefield it became increasingly difficult to keep touch owing to the smoke and dust, and the inner flanks of the two battalions became a bit mixed. On the far side, however, some enemy positions were encountered and overrun, with a number of prisoners taken. After advancing about 800 yards beyond February both battalions halted and attempted to dig in. 1/5th Queen’s were unfortunate in having an enemy machine-gun about 200 yards to their right front, with another enemy post nearby. Every effort was made to capture these, but they were too well sited, and the second post was wired in as well. As a result movement became impossible, and companies had to dig in lying flat on the ground. Much the same happened to 1/6th Queen’s, who were subjected to particularly heavy mortar fire.
The sappers succeeded in clearing the two gaps through the minefield by the early hours of the morning, and at about 2.30am the tanks of the 4th County of London Yeomanry began negotiating the gaps, although the pickets on which the lamps were mounted were too far apart and the spaces between were not filled with wire, which was the usual practice. As a result some of the tanks lost their way and wandered off the cleared path, blowing up in the minefield. Other tanks were knocked out by anti-tank guns sited beyond the Queen’s positions. In all the 4th County of London Yeomanry lost twenty-six of their tanks together with their commanding officer and 2i/c. South of gap No. 2 an 88mm gun was firing along the edge of the minefield, hitting tanks of the 1st Royal Tank Regiment as they came through. Highly conscious of the need to conserve his armour, Major General Harding stopped their further attempts to pass through February. This left the two Queen’s battalions out in the open with no armour to support them, subjected to heavy mortar, machine-gun and rifle fire. In fact, since the armoured units retired back through January so as not to be exposed for a second day between the two minefields, the battalions were left some 2,000 yards in advance of the nearest support.
The Queen’s positions were so exposed that it was impossible for men to raise their heads above ground in most areas, and it was, therefore, very difficult to obtain any accurate picture of events during the hours of daylight. 2/Lt P.B. Kingsford was a platoon commander in ‘A’ Company of the 1/5th Queen’s, and spent most of the day pinned down by machine-gun fire. He has written the following account of his experiences during the 25th October :-
“The 1/6th Queen’s were on our left but were being heavily mortared during the 25th. No tanks got through to support us as the gap in the minefield was being enfiladed from El Himeimat (‘two pimples’) which had been recaptured by the Germans.
The first sign of hope was when in the evening Italian parachutists in front of my platoon surrendered. I was short of men and sent my runner (Keohane by name) back with twenty-odd POWS!
The 1/6th Battalion thought we were being made prisoners and, as a result of heavy mortar fire, they were captured. After this all the mortars came on us and we had severe casualties. We could not go forward as German parachutists had taken over the Italian pill boxes, so Colonel East decided to make a dash back when darkness came, but things got so bad that he and a handful left before dark.
I had been shot through the leg and shrapnel went into my left thigh, and I was picked up next morning and taken to enemy trenches in the rear (which we had passed earlier). When I got up, I noticed a mortar bomb stuck in the rock an inch or two from my head! It had not gone off and, in retrospect, I realised I had been temporarily unconscious when it landed.”
Many years later Paul Kingsford heard from the Ministry of Defence that Pte C.M. Keohane had been killed on that day. He can only presume that Keohane detonated a mine whilst making his way back to the platoon. The capture of some of the 1/6th that he describes probably refers to the incident when Lt Col D.L.A. Gibbs and most of his Battalion Headquarters staff were taken prisoner together with Capt I.P. Thomson and Major G.J. Collins. Lt Col Dennis Gibbs and Capt Ian Thomson escaped from their prison camp in Italy and both took an active part in the later stages of the war. Paul Kingsford spent two and a half years in prison camps in Italy and Germany.
Pte S. Gray was Lt A.C.F. Norman’s batman in 1/6th Queen’s. He remembered Lt Norman as being such a proficient officer that he always passed with top marks when he went on courses, and always got his platoon to the right place! He wrote :-
“We moved up to where the tanks were, waiting for the off. The time came for us to fix bayonets and get to the tapes. We moved off. The creeping barrage started and in no time at all there was screaming and crying out in pain as the men were walking on the anti-personnel mines. Our artillery was screaming over our heads. After a while, you could not say we got used to it, but I think our minds just blocked out all the noise, and we carried on as if we were on a stunt back home.
Going through the minefield I had a chap at the side of me with a tommy-gun. The first trench load of the enemy we came across the chap with the tommy-gun just opened up on them. They were lying on top of one another. They had no fight in them. I left him and went forward and came across another trench full. They were long trenches and held about 20 odd soldiers. They were all kneeling and leaning on one another. I would not have got any pleasure out of shooting them in the back, so I shouted and swore at them to get out. We were not allowed to take POWs back, nor were we allowed to take our wounded back. What I wanted, if I got them all out, would be to point in the direction I wanted them to go. Unfortunately for them, in front of us behind the dannert wire, the Germans were on the high ground and could see at least our shadows if not us. Then a shell came over and landed right on the enemy. It blew them to pieces, yet I felt nothing. So I moved forward and ran into some machine-gun fire. I hit the deck and my officer was at the side of me. Every time I tried to move there was more fire. In fact it was impossible to move without being shot to pieces.
So after quite a long while lying in the open not daring to move, it was on the point of getting light. So I said to the officer, ‘It’s coming up to sun-up. Then they will pick us off’. He said, ‘Pass the word around, every man for himself, and find a hole to get into’. Strange as it seems, a cloud came over the moon, which gave us the chance to move. But as we did so, over came mortars and shells and got some of the chaps. I and another chap found an empty German trench. Mortars and shells kept coming in our direction.
Eventually we got back to our lines. There were only three of us who had been at the dannert wire and got back. They were Lt Norman, Alf Doyle, who came from Holborn in London, and myself.”
During the day General Montgomery authorised XIII Corps to break off the attack. The Queen’s battalions were much too exposed to be of any further value, and Lt Col East and Major F.A.H. Wilson, who had taken over command of 1/6th Queen’s, made arrangements for a withdrawal through February. On arrival back, however, they were told that 132 Brigade was to take over the position behind February, and the whole of 131 Brigade was taken out that night to a position behind Nuts minefield. The initial part of the withdrawals were carried out under intense fire, and much hampered by the lack of effective communications.
Once again the casualties had been severe. 1/5th Queen’s lost one officer killed, four officers wounded, three officers missing, with other rank casualties of 10 killed, 47 wounded and 53 missing. 1/6th Queen’s had three officers killed, four wounded and three missing (known to have been taken prisoner) with 5 men killed, 42 wounded and 142 missing. Many of the missing eventually proved to have been killed or wounded.
www.queensroyalsurreys.org.uk/ww2/middle_east/qme015.html
There is no Obvious Soldiers Will or Civil Probate for John.
Postscript
The death of his sister, Joan A Britcher, aged 36, was recorded in the Norwich Outer District in the April to June quarter, (Q2), of 1961.
The 1961 Probate Calendar records that Joan Amy Britcher, spinster, of 13 Eversley Road, Upper Hellesdon, Norfolk, died on the 25th June 1961. Administration was granted at the Norwich Court on the 6th October to Amy Louisa Britcher, widow. Her effects were valued at £1,045.
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The death of Amy Louise Britcher, born 3rd July 1887, was recorded in the Norwich District in the April to June quarter, (Q2), of 1981.
The 1981 Probate Calendar records that Amy Louise Britcher, of The Walnuts, 149 Dereham Road, Norwich, died on the 20th April 1981. Probate was granted at the Ipswich Court on the 17th August. Her estate was valued at £28,565.
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