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cases, the higher the share of private universities in higher education, the lower the share in enrolment. In China, for instance, private institutes constitute 39.1% of higher education institutions, but a mere 8.9% students study in them. In the US, private universities constitute 80% of higher educational institutions, but they account only for 42.8% of total enrolments in the country. By contrast, public sector institutions in the US constitute just 19.6% of total higher education institutions, but they account for 57.3% of enrolments. .
No Effective Correctives for Capitation Fees .
The report describes the rampant corruption and commercialisation in private institutions. But when it comes to a credible corrective mechanism, all it can suggest is that family members of investors should not hold administrative posts. It says private institutions should not have a sole motive of profit and should not confine themselves only to commercially viable sectors. The question is, if profit remains one of the motives, how can the institution avoid ills like steep fees, capitation fees etc.? As a solution for the problem of exorbitant fees in private institutions, the YCR recommends, not strict curbs on fee hikes, but merely a certain percentage of freeships for poor students a formula that has proved a dismal failure in the private sector schools in Delhi. The YCR seems to have no idea of the structural logic of private capital and private profit. Mistakenly locating the profiteering motive in family greed, it fails to see that private capital inevitably has a profit motive that militates against the humanist vision of university. .
.
The Reality of Differential Fee Structure and Education Loans .
The question of fees is a central one. Time and again, in the context of both private and government institutions, YCR repeats that No student should be turned away
for want of funds for education. And it says primary focus should be on making education affordable. (p 38-39) This can be achieved only through making public funding and low fees the norm: but the YCR does not recommend this. Rather it proposes a differential fee structure high fees for those who can afford it and scholarships, educational loans for those who cant. The National Knowledge Commission (NKC) too recommends a differential fee structure. Such a measure cannot cater to poor students; it is nothing but a pretext to make high fees the norm, while virtuously denying the agenda of commercialisation. The best way of making education accessible to the poor is to provide education at a very low cost. If we want to avoid subsidising the rich, the best way is not through .
.
.
.
should not have a sole motive of profit and should not confine themselves only to commercially viable sectors. The question is, if profit remains one of the motives, how can the institution avoid ills like steep fees, capitation fees etc.? As a solution for the problem of exorbitant fees in private institutions, the YCR recommends, not strict curbs on fee hikes, but merely a certain percentage of freeships for poor students a formula that has proved a dismal failure in the private sector schools in Delhi. The YCR seems to have no idea of the structural logic of private capital and private profit. Mistakenly locating the profiteering motive in family greed, it fails to see that private capital inevitably has a profit motive that militates against the humanist vision of university. .
The question of fees is a central one. Time and again, in the context of both private and govt institutions, YCR repeats that No student should be turned away
for want of funds for education. And it says primary focus should be on making education affordable. (p 38-39) This can be achieved only through making public funding and low fees the norm: but the YCR does not recommend this. Rather it proposes a differential fee structure high fees for those who can afford it and scholarships, educational loans for those who cant. The National Knowledge Commission (NKC) too recommends a differential fee structure. Such a measure cannot cater to poor students; it is nothing but a pretext to make high fees the norm, while virtuously denying the agenda of commercialisation. The best way of making education accessible to the poor is to provide education at a very low cost. If we want to avoid subsidising the rich, the best way is not through increasing fees, but through taxes: through an educational cess on people in a certain salary bracket, and an even larger cess on industry. High fees, for those who can pay means privatization by the back door: the govt is sure to decree that all but the very poorest, can pay! .
The YCR points out that the best Universities are rooted in their social milieu and good foreign universities may not be transplantable. But he contradicts himself by recommending that the top 200 foreign institutions be welcomed in India. The NKC also similarly recommends incentive for good foreign institutions and disincentive for sub-standard ones. Both YCR and the NKC evade the point that incentives for the good institutions are likely to mean that they poach on our public resources and existing institutions, rather their investing their own academic assets and resources here. .
In consonance with the YCR and NKC recommendations, the govt. is considering doing away with regulatory bodies like the UGC, the AICTE, the MCI and so on. In their place, it will establish a single, independent regulator. The YCR states that its conception of a single regulator has a different rationale than that offered by the NKC. At first glance this is true: the YCRs main argument for this recommendation is that University education should not be cubicalised or fragmented. But one fails to see how such an independent regulator will be held accountable to the humanist vision of University as outlined by the YCR. The danger is that such a regulator will be free from checks and balances, accountable and answerable to none, with less need to respond to protest mobilisations from the students or teachers. .
Interestingly, both YCR and NKC propose that the single regulator comprise of seven members. The NKC says all seven must be distinguished academics; the YCR says five of them must be academics, while one must have a background of social engagement while .
.
.
students? The example of other countries suggests not. In most cases, the higher the share of private universities in higher education, the lower the share in enrolment. In China, for instance, private institutes constitute 39.1% of higher education institutions, but a mere 8.9% students study in them. In the US, private universities constitute 80% of higher educational institutions, but they account only for 42.8% of total enrolments in the country. By contrast, public sector institutions in the US constitute just 19.6% of total higher education institutions, but they account for 57.3% of enrolments. .
No Effective Correctives for Capitation Fees .
The report describes the rampant corruption and commercialisation in private institutions. But when it comes to a credible corrective mechanism, all it can suggest is that family members of investors should not hold administrative posts. It says private institutions should not have a sole motive of profit and should not confine themselves only to commercially viable sectors. The question is, if profit remains one of the motives, how can the institution avoid ills like steep fees, capitation fees etc.? As a solution for the problem of exorbitant fees in private institutions, the YCR recommends, not strict curbs on fee hikes, but merely a certain percentage of freeships for poor students a formula that has proved a dismal failure in the private sector schools in Delhi. The YCR seems to have no idea of the structural logic of private capital and private profit. Mistakenly locating the profiteering motive in family greed, it fails to see that private capital inevitably has a profit motive that militates against the humanist vision of university. .
The Reality of Differential Fee Structure and Education Loans .
The question of fees is a central one. Time and again, in the context of both private and government institutions, YCR repeats that No student should be turned away
for want of funds for education. And it says primary focus should be on making education affordable. (p 38-39) This can be achieved only through making public funding and low fees the norm: but the YCR does not recommend this. Rather it proposes a differential fee structure high fees for those who can afford it and scholarships, educational loans for those who cant. The National Knowledge Commission (NKC) too recommends a differential fee structure. Such a measure cannot cater to poor students; it is nothing but a pretext to make high fees the norm, while virtuously denying the agenda of commercialisation. The best way of making education accessible to the poor is to provide education at a very low cost. If we want to avoid subsidising the rich, the best way is not through increasing fees, but through taxes: through an educational cess on people in a certain salary bracket, and an even larger cess on industry. High fees, for those who can pay means privatization by the back door: the government is sure to decree that all but the very poorest, can pay! .
Red Carpet for Foreign Universities .
The YCR points out that the best Universities are rooted in their social milieu and good foreign universities may not be transplantable. But he contradicts himself by recommending that the top 200 foreign institutions be welcomed in India. The NKC also similarly recommends incentive for good foreign institutions and disincentive for sub-standard ones. Both YCR and the NKC evade the point that incentives for the good institutions are likely to mean that they poach on our public resources and existing institutions, rather their investing their own academic assets and resources here. .
Single Regulatory Body: .
Backdoor Entry for Corporate Share in Education Policy .
In consonance with the YCR and NKC recommendations, the govt. is considering doing away with regulatory bodies like the UGC, the AICTE, the MCI and so on. In their place, it will establish a single, independent regulator. The YCR states that its conception of a single regulator has a different rationale than that offered by the NKC. At first glance this is true: the YCRs main argument for this recommendation is that University education should not be cubicalised or fragmented. But one fails to see how such an independent regulator will be held accountable to the humanist vision of University as outlined by the YCR. The danger is that such a regulator will be free from checks and balances, accountable and answerable to none, with less need to respond to protest mobilisations from the students or teachers. .
Interestingly, both YCR and NKC propose that the single regulator comprise of seven members. The NKC says all seven must be distinguished academics; the YCR says five of them must be academics, while one must have a background of social engagement while another must represent industry. The idea of .
.
.
mere 8.9% students study in them. In the US, private universities constitute 80% of higher educational institutions, but they account only for 42.8% of total enrolments in the country. By contrast, public sector institutions in the US constitute just 19.6% of total higher education institutions, but they account for 57.3% of enrolments. .
No Effective Correctives for Capitation Fees .
The report describes the rampant corruption and commercialisation in private institutions. But when it comes to a credible corrective mechanism, all it can suggest is that family members of investors should not hold administrative posts. It says private institutions should not have a sole motive of profit and should not confine themselves only to commercially viable sectors. The question is, if profit remains one of the motives, how can the institution avoid ills like steep fees, capitation fees etc.? As a solution for the problem of exorbitant fees in private institutions, the YCR recommends, not strict curbs on fee hikes, but merely a certain percentage of freeships for poor students a formula that has proved a dismal failure in the private sector schools in Delhi. The YCR seems to have no idea of the structural logic of private capital and private profit. Mistakenly locating the profiteering motive in family greed, it fails to see that private capital inevitably has a profit motive that militates against the humanist vision of university. .
.
The Reality of Differential Fee Structure and Education Loans .
The question of fees is a central one. Time and again, in the context of both private and government institutions, YCR repeats that No student should be turned away
for want of funds for education. And it says primary focus should be on making education affordable. (p 38-39) This can be achieved only through making public funding and low fees the norm: but the YCR does not recommend this. Rather it proposes a differential fee structure high fees for those who can afford it and scholarships, educational loans for those who cant. The National Knowledge Commission (NKC) too recommends a differential fee structure. Such a measure cannot cater to poor students; it is nothing but a pretext to make high fees the norm, while virtuously denying the agenda of commercialisation. The best way of making education accessible to the poor is to provide education at a very low cost. If we want to avoid subsidising the rich, the best way is not through increasing fees, but through taxes: through an educational cess on people in a certain salary bracket, and an even larger cess on industry. High fees, for those who can pay means privatization by the back door: the government is sure to decree that all but the very poorest, can pay! .
.
Red Carpet for Foreign Universities .
The YCR points out that the best Universities are rooted in their social milieu and good foreign universities may not be transplantable. But he contradicts himself by recommending that the top 200 foreign institutions be welcomed in India. The NKC also similarly recommends incentive for good foreign institutions and disincentive for sub-standard ones. Both YCR and the NKC evade the point that incentives for the good institutions are likely to mean that they poach on our public resources and existing institutions, rather their investing their own academic assets and resources here. .
.
Single Regulatory Body: .
Backdoor Entry for Corporate Share in Education Policy .
.
In consonance with the YCR and NKC recommendations, the govt. is considering doing away with regulatory bodies like the UGC, the AICTE, the MCI and so on. In their place, it will establish a single, independent regulator. The YCR states that its conception of a single regulator has a different rationale than that offered by the NKC. At first glance this is true: the YCRs main argument for this recommendation is that University education should not be cubicalised or fragmented. But one fails to see how such an independent regulator will be held accountable to the humanist vision of University as outlined by the YCR. The danger is that such a regulator will be free from checks and balances, accountable and answerable to none, with less need to respond to protest mobilisations from the students or teachers. .
Interestingly, both YCR and NKC propose that the single regulator comprise of seven members. The NKC says all seven must be distinguished academics; the YCR says five of them must be academics, while one must have a background of social engagement while another must represent industry. The idea of corporates having a say in education policy has thus made an entry not through the NKC which was widely perceived as having a neoliberal agenda, but through the YCR which commands greater acceptability. .
.
How Autonomous are the Proponents of Autonomy? .
The Yashpal Committee lays great stress on autonomy of universities. The autonomy prescribed by him is ambiguous and open to many interpretations. At one level, autonomy means the laudable idea that universities should be able to decide their academic content free from the ideological control or meddling by the State. But .
.
.
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May loc khong khi chinh hang thuong hieu Maxair. Chuong trinh uu dai doc quyen khi mua hang tren Shopee Mall gian hang chinh hang, khach hang duoc tang them ma giam gia va freeship. Link hang chinh hang Shopee: shp.ee/vtpdvqa
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NHO XANH LUISCO
📛 Giá bán lẻ : 159k/kg
📣SARIMI #FREESHIP đơn hàng từ 300k, trong bán kính 5km tính từ cửa hàng gần nhất, giờ hành chính
☎️Hotline: 098 128 5588 ĐỂ ĐƯỢC TƯ VẤN ( ZALO)
#hoaquanhapkhau
Fanpage: facebook.com/sarimivietnam/
Website: sarimivietnam.com
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